Ameer-e-Jamaat’India's Eid-ul-Fitr Address
Mockery of Right to Education - Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya, Samalka denies re-admission to Kumari Deepa in Class XI - Social Jurist writes to Delhi CM
To
Sh. Arvind Kejriwal
Chief Minister
Government of N.C.T of Delhi,
Secretariat, IP Estate,
New Delhi-110002
22.07.2015
Sub: Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya, Samalka denied re-admission to Kumari Deepa in Class XI
Dear Sir,
Many times, it has been noticed that H.O.S of the Government schools are not student friendly and act in most arbitrary manner. The present is one of such cases. The girl student wants to continue her studies despite all odds but H.O.S of Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya, Samalka, New Delhi has denied re-admission to Kumari Deepa in Class XI in academic year 2015-16 without any justification.
Kumari Deepa has been studying in Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya, Samalka, New Delhi. While studying in the said school, she appeared in Class X CBSE Examination 2012-14 and qualified the same. She was to continue her studies in Class XI in the said school in the Academic Year 2014-15 but suddenly her mother suffered leg injury and moved to the village along with her children including Kumari Deepa. That resulted in discontinuation of the studies of Kumari Deepa.
After the family returned to Delhi and as Kumari Deepa wanted to continue her studies in the said school, her mother Kamla Devi (M. 8826474203) approached the said school in the 1st week of July for re-admission in Class XI. Unfortunately, the H.O.S of the school denied re-admission. Thereafter, Ms. Kamla Devi approached the Deputy Director of Education, Najafgarh and the Deputy Directorof Education on 10.07.2015 put remarks in the application to the effect "H.O.S Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya, please consider as per rule" and asked the student to go to the school for re-admission. Kumari Deepa along with her mother again approached the H.O.S of the said school on 10.07.2015 and produced the said application dated 10.07.2015 before him and requested for re-admission in Class XI but the H.O.S flatly refused to do so. Copies of the said application dated 10.07.2015 containing endorsement by the DDE and CBSE Certificate of Class X are enclosed hereto for your ready reference.
That since 10.07.2015 Kumari Deepa and her mother Kamla Devi have been repeatedly approaching the H.O.S of the school for re-admission but every time H.O.S has denied re-admission. On 15.07.2015, Kumari Deepa even produced a recommendation letter dated 15.07.2015 from MLA Col. Devinder Sehrawat but of no use.
The aforesaid action on the part of H.O.S of Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya, Samalka, New Delhi is totally illegal, arbitrary, unjust, unethical, anti-child, unconstitutional, violative of Articles 14 and 21 of the Constitution of India and contrary to provisions of Delhi School Education Act, 1973.
You are therefore requested to intervene in this matter on urgent basis and ensure that Sarvodaya Kanya Vidyalaya Samalka, New Delhi grants re-admission to Kumari Deepa in Class XI in the academic year 2015-16.
With regards
Ashok Agarwal
Advisor, Social Jurist
M. 9811101923
Tel. 011-23070026
illness becomes wellness
illness becomes wellness
wellness" Malcolm X
Palestine Museum of Natural History Progress in the last week:
- You are invited today (Wednesday July 22) at 2 PM for a talk by Hodgkin
the author of "A History of Mathematics From Mesopotamia to Modernity" and
retired math professor from King's College in London. His lecture is titled
"Mathematics and justice: what is mathematics doing to us, and what could
it do for us?" Earlier, we took a trip with Prof. Hodgkin to Artas because
he is the grandchild of Mrs. Crowford (she and Louise Baldensperger were
partners in the 1920s/1930s in studying Palestinian plants and folklore in
that town)
-Got 7 international visiting delegations and 8 local Palestinian
delegations including the mayor of Bethlehem to discuss cooperation and
joint action -Submitted two grant proposals
-Completed a manuscript on some Palestinian butterflies (55 species in six
families)
-Work on the botanical garden/local ecosystem progressing quickly as is
work on the parking lot and driveway (new pavement and building stone
hedges)
-Finished writing a chapter for an upcoming book on Palestinian resistance
and international solidarity
In this week's more global news, setbacks, and progress:
- Syrian and Iraqi historical treasures are being either destroyed or sold
to unscrupulous archeological dealers (mostly Israeli and American) by
"Islamic state" militants.
-Opening of US and Cuban embassies in each country. Dany Glover and Medea
Benjamin among notable attendees. It is encouraging to see normalization of
relations with Cuba and Iran without the requisite "saying uncle" to the
power of the elites.
-Deal between Iran and all great powers (Russia, EU, US, UN) is being
challenged by the Israel lobby (and its lackeys in the media and some hired
politicians) even knowing that it is a done deal and supported by >170
countries. The reason they do that is to extort even more money and weapons
from US taxpayers.
-Several reports out from human rights organizations explain how Israel
committed war crimes and cries against humanity. All are opposed by the
insistence of the "Jewish state" that its murders are justified.
-Explosion in Suruq, Turkey kills 31 and injures scores of idealistic
Kurdish socialists working for humanitarian relief. The "Islamic State"
takes responsibility and justifies the murders
- Israeli colonial settlers continue their onslaught on Palestinian
villagers, stealing land, burning crops, disrupting life of children etc.
The "Jewish state" claims they are not European but people r"returning" to
claim their land after 2000 years of "exile"
-Explosions in Iraq and other gulf states targeting Shia Muslims even the
mosques and claiming the "Islamic state" fighters are justified in killing
infidels
-A feud results in killing a doctor and the village people of the man
killed go on a rampage burning buildings in several parts of Bethlehem. A
woman from my village of Beit Sahour trying to escape the inferno jumps to
her death. Dozens of other injuries reported. During the month of Ramadan
974 family feuds in the PA areas happened (under the pressure cooker of the
occupation). The Palestinian authority spends 43% of its budget on
"security" but their efficiency seem to be focused only on capturing Hamas
and Islamic Jihad activists.
-Mr. Khadr Adnan who led the longest hunger strike in Israeli jails under
"administrative detention" (no trials) was released in 2012, kidnapped from
his home again in 2015 and again led a hunger strike. He was again released
but his health condition is very bad and his digestive system seems to be
deteriorating. But Israeli forces continue to arbitrarily detain scores of
citizens every week and hundreds languish in Israeli Gulags without trials
-Scientists predict acceleration of melting of polar ice and the rise in
sea levels. Governments are not rising to the challenge
-Israeli forces plan to demolish the Palestinian village of Susya in the
South Hebron hills even against he (feeble) protestation of world
governments including the European Union.
Here is an article I shared with the email list 10 years ago and is still
relevant today "Optimism and the good struggle"
http://qumsiyeh.org/optimismandthegoodstruggle/
Human Right Watch: Israeli forces abuse children
https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/07/19/israel-security-forces-abuse-palestinian-children
Mazin Qumsiyeh
Professor and Director
Palestine Museum of Natural History (PMNH)
Palestine Institute of Biodiversity and Sustainability (PIBS)
Bethlehem University
Sustainability, Youth Education and Empowerment
http://www.palestinenature.org
info@palestinenature.org
Tel 970-22773553
Dalit woman abducted, gangraped.Dalits Media Watch - News Updates 22.07.15
Dalits Media Watch
News Updates 22.07.15
Dalit woman abducted, gangraped - The Times Of India
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/meerut/Dalit-woman-abducted-gangraped/articleshow/48164792.cms
Dalit Couple Ostracized by Khap Panchayat - The New Indian Express
http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/tamil_nadu/Dalit-Couple-Ostracized-by-Khap-Panchayat/2015/07/22/article2933709.ece
Denied Entry Into Temple, Dalits Resort to Agitation - The New Indian Express
http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/odisha/Denied-Entry-Into-Temple-Dalits-Resort-to-Agitation/2015/07/22/article2933916.ece
Dispute Over Rath Pulling by Dalits Resolved - The New Indian Express
http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/odisha/Dispute-Over-Rath-Pulling-by-Dalits-Resolved/2015/07/22/article2933917.ece
One more reason to scrap death penalty - The Economic Times
http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/et-editorials/one-more-reason-to-scrap-death-penalty/
Time for review as poor disproportionately awarded death penalty - The Hindustan Times
http://www.hindustantimes.com/comment/death-penalty-it-s-not-fair-in-the-final-analysis/article1-1371695.aspx
NHRC notice to DMs and SPs of Shrawasti and Mirzapur districts of UP
over allegations of bonded labour - The Times Of India
Protest march taken out to SP office - The Hindu
HTTP://WWW.THEHINDU.COM/NEWS/NATIONAL/KERALA/PROTEST-MARCH-TAKEN-OUT-TO-SP-OFFICE/ARTICLE7450180.ECE?REF=TPNEWS
UP daily wage worker's son arrives in Mumbai to live IIT dream - The Times Of India
Brutal atrocities against Dalits in Tamil Nadu
a colossal failure of the Dravidian edifice - The News Minutes
The Great Wall Of Caste-Hatred - Tehelka
http://www.tehelka.com/2015/07/the-great-wall-of-caste-hatred/
Please Watch:
Hashiye Ke Log | Atrocities against Dalits
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rcqV8rMPoOE
Note : Please find attachment for DMW Hindi (PDF)
The Times Of India
Dalit woman abducted, gangraped
Sandeep Rai,TNN | Jul 21, 2015, 11.05 PM IST
MEERUT: It took two days for a Dalit village woman of Bijnor district to get an FIR registered after running from one police station to another. She claimed that she was abducted and gangraped on Sunday. But every time, she was told by officials that the spot of crime did not fall in their jurisdiction.
The 22-year-old newly married woman had gone out of her house at Faridpur Dullah village to buy some medicines. On her way back home, she alleged two youths belonging to a minority community forcibly abducted her in a car, took her to an isolated spot where a few more men were present. There, she was gangraped by half a dozen men throughout the night. In the morning, they left her on the spot and fled.
She somehow managed to reach home and narrate the incident to her family members. But her torment did not end there.
When her relatives tried to file an FIR at Kotwali police station, they were asked to go to Kotwali (rural). Throughout Monday, the woman and her family kept moving from one police station to another but her report was not registered.
Finally, on Tuesday morning, they approached SP, Bijnor, HN Singh who ordered registration of an FIR against the six men, including Laalu and Intizaar, who allegedly abducted her.
The incident has now taken a political hue after BJP's district general secretary Subhash Valmiki along with RSS member Mayank Mayur met with her family.
Subhash Valmiki said, "The woman had been moving from one police station to another for the last two days and no one was there to help her. We have demanded strict action against the accused otherwise such incidents only lead to law and order problem."
Station officer of Kotwali police station Sanjay Tomar said, "The woman has been sent for medical examination at the district hospital while raids are being conducted on the houses of the culprits who are currently at large. We will soon arrest them."
Meanwhile, police have been deployed at the village to maintain peace.
The New Indian Express
Dalit Couple Ostracized by Khap Panchayat
By Gokul Vannan | ENS Published: 22nd July 2015 06:34 AM Last Updated: 22nd July 2015 06:34 AM
MADURAI: Khap panchayat by Ramesh Babu, a caste Hindu, has ostracized a family from Arunthathiyar community for questioning his authority at Kattunayakanpatty village near Bodi in Theni district.
The last six months for Paramasivam, his wife Lakshmi and their three children who were forced to live in a makeshift hut in a bushy area by the village tank bunds have been a nightmare. "We have been spending sleepless nights for months fearing for our lives. Snakes and other reptiles often enter our house at night. My children refused to sleep in the house. They are now at my father's place," said Paramasivam.
Though nearly 224 Arunthathiyar families live in the village, they refused to give a house on rent to the couple. They are scared of Ramesh Babu's wrath. He is also the vice president of Theni panchayat union.
"Twice I paid advance to my community members to rent a house, but they returned the money after Ramesh Babu threatened them," claimed Lakshmi.
As the khap panchayat passed an order directing the villagers not to speak to the couple; not to allow them to walk on the village roads or collect water from public taps; and sell grocery to them, the couple has
been struggling for drinking water.
"We have to face this hardship because my husband dared to question Ramesh for misusing the panchayat for his personal gain. Though the panchayat president Panthanam belongs to our community, he keeps silence," she said.
After the couple petitioned the district police repeatedly, police registered an FIR against Ramesh Babu under the SC/ST Act in February 2015, but so far they haven't arrested him, said A Kathir, executive director, Evidence, a Madurai-based NGO.
"Everything happens in the village as ordered by the khap panchayat," said Kathir, adding that Evidence had sent a report to the DGP over the incident.
When Express contacted a senior police officer, he denied there were khap panchayats in the village.
"Two caste Hindus tried to use Dalits for their personal reasons. We have found it was a mistake of fact and closed the case. The report has been sent to the collector," he claimed.
Kathir on the other hand claims, "Without asking the Dalit couple, how is it possible for the police to close the case as a mistake of fact? Nowadays Theni police close cases booked under the SC/ST Act as a mistake of fact."
The New Indian Express
Denied Entry Into Temple, Dalits Resort to Agitation
By Express News Service, Published: 22nd July 2015 07:03 AM Last Updated: 22nd July 2015 07:03 AM
BARGARH :Dalit families of Harijanpada in Kathaumal village under Gaiselet block of Bargarh district on Monday staged a demonstration in front of the Collectorate for not being allowed inside Shiva temple in the village though they had put in their labour for its construction.
Protesting the discrimination, the Dalits staged the demonstration after their petition to district administration in this regard failed to evoke response.
Harijanpada is inhabited by about 60 Dalit families. Some time back, the villagers decided to construct Shiva temple on the embankment of village pond.
Accordingly, a meeting of Gram Sabha was convened and all the villagers were urged to cooperate and support for construction of the temple. The Dalit families rose to the occasion and contributed financially as per their mite besides putting in physical labour.
As the temple was nearing completion, another Gram Sabha was convened on June 14. When some Dalit families evinced interest to perform puja, they were abused and assaulted. They were even asked not to enter the temple.
Next day, some Dalit families lodged a complaint at Gaiselet police station. More trouble awaited the Dalits after filing the police complaint as they were restricted from entering village haat (market) .
With police refusing to act, they met District Collector Anjan Kumar Manik on July 4 seeking his intervention to resolve the issue. They also apprised Bijepur MLA Subal Sahu about the discrimination and threatened to stage an agitation if no action is taken by July 19.
With no response forthcoming from any quarters, the Dalit families travelled about 70 kms to Bargarh on Monday and staged a dharna in front of the Collectorate seeking justice.
They called off the dharna after Bargarh Sub-Collector Vincent Ekka assured them of visiting the village on July 23 and holding a meeting to resolve the issue.
The New Indian Express
Dispute Over Rath Pulling by Dalits Resolved
By Express News Service Published: 22nd July 2015 07:04 AM Last Updated: 22nd July 2015 07:04 AM
DEOGARH:The deadlock over pulling of chariot, which was stopped over participation of Dalits in Kundeigola village under Reamal block, was resolved on Monday. The village has seven hamlets comprising Kamarpal, Mahalsahi, Boulasahi, Mandirasahi, Khaliposhisahi, Talasahi and Harijansahi.
Except Harijansahi, residents of all other hamlets have been participating in Rath Yatra since long. However, the Daitapatis of Puri, who were invited for Nabakalebara, decided to allow the Dalits to participate in the Rath Yatra this year. This led to resentment.
On Rath Yatra day, the chariot was not pulled after 'Pahandi Bije' following differences over participation of Dalits.
The issue was resolved after a Peace Committee decided that the chariot will be pulled with participation of Dalits on Bahuda day.
The Economic Times
One more reason to scrap death penalty
http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/et-editorials/one-more-reason-to-scrap-death-penalty/
July 22, 2015, 4:49 AM IST ET Edit in ET Editorials | Edit Page, India, Times View | ET
The National Law University has produced, with help from the Law Commission, a seminal report that profiles people who went to the gallows or are on death row over the last 15 years. Over 93% of these people are Dalits and Muslims. Around 75% of prisoners on death row – slated for execution – belong to backward classes or minorities. The reason? Most cannot comprehend the charges against them and have no money to hire competent defence lawyers. This is a slap on the face of Indian democracy.
Every place in the world that has capital punishment has to come back to one basic question: did we string up the right guy? If people have been killed by the state because they could not defend themselves adequately, it is a large blot on our democratic copybook.
The founding fathers of our Constitution did not foresee this: for them, rights and liberties were guaranteed to all Indians. Yet, pernicious forces of caste, class and religious domination rule India to this day. It is easy to shrug off this fact as accepted reality, but not after being faced with hard facts about people sent to the gallows, simply because they were too poor or ignorant to defend themselves adequately. In 1978, the great American political sociologist, Barrington Moore, wrote a book called Injustice. There he argued eloquently, taking examples from India and the rest of the world, that people in general, accept hierarchical rule and do not revolt unless there is a great disruption of the system. He underlined he was no Marxist, and our policymakers must understand his message. As India has to grow, it has to deal with every issue with great sensitivity. The incompetence of policing, investigating and judicial authorities cannot be covered up with political rhetoric and death sentences.
The Hindustan Times
Time for review as poor disproportionately awarded death penalty
Hindustan Times, New Delhi
Punishment is considered a natural response to crime. But, the punishment should be commensurate with the seriousness of the crime. This raises the question of whether the State can take away a life even if the crime is murder.
The death penalty has been a contentious issue across the globe, mainly for its irreversible and retributive nature. What if the person is wrongly convicted? In India, activists have been saying that most of those sent to the gallows were poor people who could not afford proper legal assistance.
Now a study done by National Law University, Delhi, and the Law Commission has confirmed this suspicion of class bias in awarding the death penalty. According to the study, more than 75% of death row convicts belong to backward classes and minorities; 75% are economically vulnerable and over 93% of those sentenced for terror crimes are minorities or Dalits.
This raises questions over the manner in the which death penalty is awarded by trial courts in India. It also underlines the need to make the legal system more affordable and accessible to the poor.
Notwithstanding the "rarest of rare" doctrine propounded by the Supreme Court in 1980, Indian courts awarded the death penalty to 5,054 convicts during 2004-13. Only 1,303 of death sentences were confirmed with the rest being commuted to life imprisonment by the higher courts.
During this period, only three convicts were executed. With the Supreme Court rejecting the curative petition of 1993 Mumbai serial blasts case convict Yakub Abdul Razak Memon, the issue of the death penalty is again going to dominate public discourse.
There are three parties to this debate — the convict, the victims and their families and society as represented by the State. Quite often victims seek retributive justice while the State invariably emphasises the importance of deterrent punishment. Justice is all about striking a fine balance among conflicting interests within the judicially permissible parameters of the law. It's practically impossible for the courts to reach a conclusion that satisfies all the parties concerned.
This task becomes all the more difficult, given the tough internal security scenario compounded by terrorism. The popular mood wouldn't allow the political class to take a stand on the abolition of the death penalty. But what is heartening is the stand taken by the Supreme Court, which has over the years limited the scope for the death penalty in India.
The Times Of India
NHRC notice to DMs and SPs of Shrawasti and Mirzapur districts of UP
over allegations of bonded labour
Ashish Tripathi,TNN | Jul 21, 2015, 08.30 PM IST
LUCKNOW: The National Human Rights Commission has issued notices to the district magistrates and superintendents of police of Shrawasti and Mirzapur, Uttar Pradesh, after taking suo motu cognizance of a media report that 48 labourers belonging to the scheduled castes were sold by one contractor to another on the February 28, 2015.
According to media report, carried on the July 8, 2015, the labourers included four women, six men, six girls and 32 children. They had been working for the last five months at the construction site of a bridge on 'Bannsagar' in Mirzapur and had not been paid any wages. The contractor subjected them to physical assault and intimidation. Some of the child labourers were to appear in UP Board Examination but they were not allowed.
Justice D. Murugesan, Member of the Commission has observed that the contents of the media report, if true, raise a serious issue of violation of human rights of the victims. He has given two weeks' time to the officers to submit the action taken report in the matter.
Reportedly, some of the labourers managed to escape, reached home in Shrawasti and narrated their ordeal to the district authorities. The employer chased them up to their village and threatened to implicate them in a false theft case. The family members of the victims have submitted a memorandum addressed to the district magistrate, Shrawasti and sub-divisional magistrate, Bhinga, praying for action against the offenders.
The Hindu
Protest march taken out to SP office
SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
Scores of people took out a protest march on the office of the district police chief demanding immediate steps to bring to book those responsible for the death of Siby, a Dalit youth, allegedly following torture at the Marangattupilly police station. The SP office march, organised by Pattikajaathi Kshema Samithy (Scheduled Castes' Welfare Committee) and the LDF, wanted the culprits to be charge sheeted for murder.
The march was blocked by the police at the gates of the district headquarters even as the protesters staged a sit-in. Inaugurating the march, Samithy State general secretary K Somaprasad wanted the government to disburse financial aid to the next of kin of the victim.
He also wanted the government to take care of the victim's family.
Any move to protect the culprits would result in agitations, he said.
CPI(M) district secretary V.N. Vasavan alleged that the police, through their contradictory reports, had proved that a major cover-up was on to protect the culprits.
The Times Of India
UP daily wage worker's son arrives in Mumbai to live IIT dream
Vinamrata Borwankar,TNN | Jul 22, 2015, 05.50 AM IST
MUMBAI: "I have seen a lot about Mumbai in the movies. People constantly running to work, the glamour of the film industry... When I came to the city, it was exactly like that. It already feels amazing," says Brijesh Saroj (19), who has come to the city from Pratapgarh, Uttar Pradesh, after securing admission in IIT Bombay.
Brijesh and his brother Raju, who are sons of a daily wage worker, got high ranks on the JEE merit list—167 and 410. TOI reported on June 20 that the brothers were faced with the challenge of putting together the Rs 1 lakh they would be required to pay to get in (Rs 50,000 each; Rs 30,000 admission fee and Rs 20,000 the first semester fee). Soon, help poured in from around the globe. Also, the Union human resource development (HRD) ministry gave them a fee waiver, letting their dream come true. While Brijesh has chosen engineering physics at IIT-Bombay, Raju will pursue electronics and electrical communication engineering at IIT-Kharagpur.
Brijesh, who arrived in Mumbai on Sunday, is living with his uncle in Govandi. "A lot has changed in the past month. Back in the village, there has been a lot of development. Children are extremely charged up about studying and making a mark," he says. "Out of the funds we received after the news report, I have set aside Rs 2 lakh for the education of children in my village. I have adopted 10 children. I hope they will excel and each will adopt 10 more, thus creating a chain."
Brijesh will report at IIT-Bombay on Wednesday afternoon to complete admission formalities. He says there is some confusion over the hostel fee of Rs 30,000. "We have spoken to the HRD ministry. They are supposed to speak to IIT authorities and sort out all fees. I am a bit nervous."
He says life at IIT will not be about just academics. "After completing my degree, I want to earn money the right way and want to give back to society. I already have a few friends studying at the IITs. I want to bring them all together and form a group where each one will help the other in the development of villages and districts. We can ensure that students in these areas get the best opportunities and are motivated for studies."
The News Minutes
Brutal atrocities against Dalits in Tamil Nadu a colossal failure of the Dravidian edifice
Tamil Nadu / OpinionTuesday, July 21, 2015 - 20:07
By C Lakshmanan
Tamil Nadu has many distinctions in terms of development indicators, compared to other states. In contrast, intra state comparisons between rural and urban, land owning and landless, organized and unorganized workers and the Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes and others section of the population, provide an altogether different picture. These have been highlighted in recently released socio-economic survey data. Further, social change or transformation espoused by the state's anti-Brahmin politics is yet to translate into reality to the benefit of the people at bottom of the socio-economic structure. Even the traditional caste rigidity hasn't changed in any substantial and meaningful sense. Hence, one has to understand the qualitative difference between anti-Brahmin politics and anti-caste politics, which remains only at the level of rhetoric. The manner in which Dalit aspirations are rumpled by the ruling class/caste in the state and the widespread prevalence of untouchability and violence against Dalits are a testimony to this fact.
The Dalits have gradually realized the betrayal of anti-Brahmin and Dravidian politics. As a result, they have begun to organise themselves, reconstruct their identity, assert their rights, alter caste customs and idioms and demand land and increased wages. They have begun claiming their independent identity outside the arena of anti-Brahmin politics. In the process they haverejuvenated their collectivity on the basis of their cultural moorings. This has resulted in a heavy backlash from different agencies in every state apparatus, particularly as the Dalits become conscious of their objective conditions and assert their rights over public space and their personal liberty. A decade ago writer S Viswanathan made emphatic an observation, "Numerous are the ways in which Dalits are tormented. They are murdered and maimed; women are raped; their children are abused and deprived of schooling; they are dispossessed of their property; their houses are torched; they are denied their legitimate rights; and their sources of livelihood are destroyed." One can cite several examples of caste oppression in social and cultural expressions of the Dalits. The oppression that Dalits experience today is caused by the intermediary caste groups – vanguard of casteism and reserve army of the Hindutva. The equality and justice that the Dravidian movement fought for, and to a measure achieved, were limited to the Non-Brahmin dominant, intermediary castes.
The response of the government of the time has been limited to the setting up of 'judicial' enquiry commissions to investigate causes for violence against Dalits and recommend measures to prevent such violence and create conducive atmosphere for peaceful co-existence of diverse social groups. Notable are Justice Panikkar Commission, 1956, Muthukalthur violence; Justice Ganapthy Pillai Commission 1969, Keezhavenmani violence; Justice Sadasivam Commission 1978, Villupuram violence; Justice RamamoorthyCommision, 1981, Sangarangulam violence; Justice Bashkar Commission, 1989, Bodi violence; Justice Gomathi Nayagam Commission, 1996, Kodiyangulam violence; Justice M. Kamatchi Commission, 1997, Thuraiyur Police Firing (Tirunelveli); Justice Mohan Commission 1997, Riots against Dalits in southern districts; Justice Nainar Sundaram Commission, 1997, Riots against Dalits in southern districts; Justice Murugesan Commission, 1998, Gundupatti violence; Justice Mohan Commission, 1999, Tamiraparani Massacre; Justice Sampath Commission 2011 and Justice Venkatachalam Commission. Apart from these commissions there are other Commissions as well to investigate the series of violence against Dalits that took place during 1989-91 in the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu.
These commissions were headed by mostly retired judges, who happen to be from dominant caste background, and had hardly any Dalits as a member or head of a commission. For each commission, the state spent average Rs 25 lakhs to Rs 1 crore for the investigation and sought recommendations for preventing atrocities and violence. It is regretful to note that these commissions' reports were not placed in the state Legislative Assembly, state administrative meetings or meetings of bureaucrats to translate it into implementation. It is to be noted that Tamil Nadu has highest number of commissions on Violence against Dalits. These Commissions have been appointed by DMK and AIADMK regime and it is evident that both political parties handle atrocities on Dalit in similar manner.
When compared to Tamil Nadu, states like Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra have had very few commissions on Dalit atrocities, such as Justice Punnayya Commission and Justice Gundewar Commission respectively. For instance, Maharashtra had only one commission which recommended that "Manohar Kadam, Officer in-charge, be held responsible for culpable homicide (of 10 Dalits in Ramabai Nagar, in 1997)". Those commissions identified the culprits for the violence and recommended action and also reconciliation programmes. And also those commissions' reports and recommendations have been widely discussed in the Legislative Assembly as well as in the public forum, which resulted in policy formulations to prevent atrocities on marginalised. In contrast, Tamil Nadu had more than 15 commissions of enquiry on violence against Dalits, which hardly found and punished any one for the culpable homicides whether it is Villupuram case in 1980s, Tamiraparani of late 1990s and Paramakudi of 2010. Indeed it is painful to note that then chief minister of Tamil Nadu made a public statement that he cannot take any action against district police officer because he belongs to dominant caste of the state. It is interesting to hear state administrations concern about officers' caste than their transgression (Death of River, documentary film, 1999). In Paramakudi police firing, in which more than six Dalits had been killed, the Sampath Commission (2010) appreciated the police officers for firing that prevented major caste violence.
In 2013, speaking at the Madras Institute of Development Studies, Justice K. Chandru remarked, "not just the enquiry commissions' reports but even the orders delivered by the high court were not implemented in some cases by the governments". Further he observed that "the Madras High Court had directed state government to ensure the participation of Dalits in pulling of the Kandadevi temple car and performing other rituals. Many Dalits were stopped and arrested before they could reach the temple. Then a small group of Dalits was taken to the spot and photographs taken as if to show that they were pulling the temple car. That's how the then Tamil Nadu governments established that the court order was being implemented".
Activist Haragopal said in 2013 that "most of the enquiry commission reports mostly ended up as unworkable as the state governments tried to circumvent the court orders through camouflage and deceit". Further he observed that "whenever the oppressed class fought for rights, the protesters were termed as Naxals and in my three decades of closely studying social issues, I have seen several incidents of poor protesters being punished by not just the dominant caste people but even the state machinery".
Data on crimes against Dalits in Tamil Nadu show an increasing trend: The total number of cases for trial for crimes against Scheduled Castes by courts in Tamil Nadu was 3659 in 2011, 4039 in 2012 and 4630 in 2013. Cases of atrocities on the Scheduled Castes registered under the Prevention of Atrocity (PoA) Act were 829 in 2005, 1064 in 2007 and 1194 in 2008. These figures are, however, a gross understatement. It is only under exceptional circumstances that a Dalit musters courage to complain against his caste-Hindu tormentors, says Anand Teltumbde. Further, as the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes noted, atrocities against SCs and STs have increased in absolute numbers and have assumed newer forms, some of which perhaps the PoA Act is not currently equipped to address such as case of "Honour" killing. Madurai based organisation, Evidence is meticulously collecting data on these kinds of violence for public concern.
Society ought to be judged fundamentally by the quality of social relations. Our colossal political vacuum understandably leaves much deeper socio-political issues of how citizens relate to each other in shared public spaces. Baseline ethical value of any democracy should be the absence of discrimination. Justice is about how we treat each other. One should take interest in taking moral and ethical positions about transforming social relationships. As Pratap Bhanu Mehta argued, the texture of social relations between marginalized communities and others is deeply debilitating for marginalized groups in ways one cannot imagine. Therefore, the challenge of combating discrimination and violence against the marginalised is challenging. The state abdicates its responsibility for basic security of Dalits. It is not only indifferent to, but also appears most times actively protecting perpetrators of atrocities and tacitly promoting them. Indeed, it is time to rethink to what extent the contemporary society is fed by casteist rituals and tradition and to what extent by modern institutions. In a society undergoing rapid change in social norms, how do we ensure that these evolving progressive norms are not truncated by regressive violence? This is not just a matter for law. On equally serious note, how do we explain the fact that politicians, judges and police officials are not doing anything to diminish the enormity of the crimes being committed.
The writer is an Assistant Professor at Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai.
Tehelka
The Great Wall Of Caste-Hatred
http://www.tehelka.com/2015/07/the-great-wall-of-caste-hatred/
Dravidian politics is playing to the tunes of anti-Dalit groups leading to perpetuation and escalation of honour killings and other atrocities against the community
2015-07-25 , Issue 30 Volume 12
The recent murder of aDalit engineering graduate Gokul Raj in Namakkal, has taken the number of honour killings in Tamil Naduthis year to an appalling figure of 16. Gokul was beheaded and his private parts were cut off. The state government has been in a state of denial about the situation.
Earlier this year, the then chief minister of Tamil Nadu O Panneerselvam denied the occurrence of 'honour killing' in the state. While making such a statement, Panneerselvam conveniently forgot that 44 cases of honour killings were reported in the state in 2013 and 2014. When confronted with the statistics, the shrewd politician termed them as suicides.
Tamil Nadu, according to statistics, has even surpassed Haryana and Uttar Pradesh, the two states which have earned the dubious distinction of being honour killing capitals of the country. Panneerselvam, who later relinquished the post to his mentor J Jayalalithaa, also dismissed the need of a separate legislation to prevent such murders although as many as 22 other states and union territories have demanded it from the Centre.
Anti-Dalit sentiment is growing in the state with various casteist leaders belonging to Vanniyar community in the northern region, Thevar and Nadar community in the southern region and Gounder community in the western region dominating the discourse. These leaders are fast undermining the ideology of the state's famous anti-caste crusader, Periyar.
In stark contrast to the stand taken by the Tamil Nadu government, National Commission for Scheduled Castes (ncsc) Chairman PL Punia described the situation of Dalits in the state as "unsatisfactory". He pointed out that Tamil Naduis among the top five states in the country where a high number of cases of atrocities against Dalits are filed, with a majority of them being closed, citing lack of evidence. He said that cases such as the death of Gokul should not be treated as mere cases of murder.
The tacit silence maintained by the Dravidian parties emboldens the atrocities against Dalits by various dominant caste (OBC) movements in the state. With Gokul Raj's murder, honour killings, once seen as a menace only in the southern regions of Tamil Nadu, are now threatening to be a feature in other parts of the state as well, especially in the Kongu region in the west. The reason for the perceived calm in the region is that Arundhatiyars (most backward among Dalits) are heavily oppressed by the Gounders, leaving no question of retaliation unlike the Dalits in the southern region.
Gokul was last seen talking to Swati from his village who was reportedly his lover. Swati belonged to the dominant Gounder community. According to the confession made by some of the arrested, Gokul was picked up by the members of an anti-Dalit group, Dheeran Chinnamalai Gounder Piravi, at the behest of its local leader Yuvraj, who is still at large. Yuvraj allegedly strangulated Gokul to death and threw his dead body on the railway tracks.
Yuvraj was involved in campaigns against inter-caste love and marriages since 2012. He was viewed as a messiah by the majoritarian caste-obsessed sections of the society. His role in the murder has allegedly been downplayed by the police as the entire administrative class is made up of the dominant castes.
"Unlike the honour killings that happened in the past which were all done by family members, Gokul's murder is an organised murder by a caste movement, similar to the khap panchayats in north India," says Kathir, executive director of Evidence, an organisation working among Dalits. The gruesome nature of honour killings is maintained in this case as well. "By beheading, the murderers may have intended to give a message to the Dalit boys that they would not have an identity of their own if they fall in love with upper caste women. The chopping off of the private parts also indicates that no Dalit youth can have physical intimacy with an upper caste woman," added Kathir.
Many such anti-Dalit groups exist in the state in the pretext of protecting culture and keeping the caste pride intact. It all began with S Ramadoss, who consolidated Vanniyars and formed his party Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) in 1989. After he failed miserably in electoral politics, Ramadoss started spewing anti-Dalit venom. He even demanded a ban on marriages between Dalits and caste-Hindus and a dilution of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. His partymen accused Dalit youths of fomenting social tension by filing false complaints under the Act and ensnaring girls from other castes by wearing jeans, T-shirts and fancy sunglasses.
If in the beginning of Dravidian politics anti-Dalit activities were implicit, it has become very explicit these days with the advent of numerous caste movements which were inspired by the pmk. Having tasted success with the prominent Ilavarasan Divya case and the subsequent caste conflicts in Dharmapuri, these anti- Dalit fringe outfits play cultural police by distributing anti-Dalit pamphlets and conducting anti-Dalit conferences. "To counter the Dalit upsurge, the dominant castes invent images from the past to celebrate annual festivals and mobilise large crowds. Thriving on the silence of the changing governments, these groups use these festivals not just to protect their caste identity and maintain the hegemony but also to intimidate Dalits," says Dalit writer Stalin. "Altogether there are around 200 such small movements of the major caste groups like Vanniyar, Thevars, Nadars and Gounders alone," he added. Existence of such groups not only shames but also questions the values of radical and progressive politics of the state.
Tamil Nadu's political and economic power currently revolves around casteist forces. Whoever mobilises caste successfully gains control in the structures of the State, which in turn perpetuates caste. "Since 1950, there have been 15 judicial enquiry commissions set up to look into atrocities against Dalits. But none of these commissions have recommended severe punishments for the culprits. All of them invariably directly or indirectly blame the Dalits for the violence or 'crossing the boundary','' says C Lakshmanan, assistant professor of Madras Institute of Development Studies, who headed a fact-finding team in Gokul's case. If the State had adhered to the rule of law irrespective of caste and community, then this would not have happened.
Ramadoss is projecting himself as the chief ministerial candidate in the upcoming election, signalling trouble for the Dalits in the state. His claims are not without substance as the dmk is reeling under corruption charges and rumours of serious health issues are doing the rounds about Jayalalithaa.
"With anti-Dalit politics being set in motion, Tamil Nadu is setting a trend in Dalitatrocities. With the murder of a Dalit man in the neighbouring Karnataka for giving a love letter, it is quite clear that south Indian states started taking cue from here when it comes to Dalit atrocities," added Lakshmanan. As long as the Dalits continue to be denied social and political inclusion, the situation is not going to change.
With 16 cases of reported honour killings this year, how is the government going to explain its denial and stony silence over the issue for so long? Why is the government turning a blind eye towards these brutal murders and other atrocities even while ncsc takes cognizance of these issues? How many more lives do we need to lose before the government finally wakes up?
News monitored by Girish Pant & AJEET
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
$500M US Program Has Only Trained 60 Syrians to Fight ISIS
$500M US Program Has Only Trained 60 Syrians to Fight ISIS
22 July 2015
Citizens for Legitimate Government (CLG)
P.O. Box 1142
Bristol, CT 06011-1142
Contributions to CLG are not tax deductible.
On the death sentence of Yakub Memon,the Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement:
The Mumbai blasts of 1993 was a heinous terrorist attack killing 257 innocent people and causing injuries to scores of others. It is imperative that the criminals responsible should be brought to book and punished. There is ample evidence that the main culprits have escaped the law with the help of agencies across the border. Every effort has to be made from all fora available to bring them back to India to stand trial and consequent punishment under law.
In this context, the death sentence of Yakub Memon alone will not serve the interests of justice. Yakub Memon was part of the conspiracy. But, unlike the main actors, he chose to surrender before the Indian authorities and stand trial. He also brought his family back to India to stand trial. He has provided information to the authorities about the involvement of Pakistani personnel in the attack and the shelter given to the terrorists and is therefore also the only witness available to the Government. Yet, he was singled out for the death sentence while the main perpetrators are at large.
It would serve the ends of justice if Yakub Memon's death penalty is commuted to a life sentence. Even those convicted in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case with the death sentence have had their sentences commuted to life.
The CPI(M) has been in principle advocating the abolition of the death penalty. Hence Yakub Memon's mercy petition, which has been filed, should be accepted.
લલિત મોદી-વ્યાપમ'કૌભાંડ મુદ્દે રાજ્યસભામાં હંગામો
મુંબઈ-અમદાવાદ હાઈ-સ્પીડ કોરિડોરના શ્રીગણેશ ટૂંક સમયમાં
- છોટાઉદેપુર કલેક્ટર પર રેતીના માફિયાઓ દ્વારા હુમલાનો પ્રયાસ
Adv P A Sebastian, the Doyen of Civil Rights Movement Passes Away Anand Teltumbde
Adv P A Sebastian, the Doyen of Civil Rights Movement Passes Away
Anand Teltumbde
Our friend and comrade P A Sebastian, who was the face of Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR) for decades, has passed away this morning around 10 am. As per his two caretakers at the old age home in Goa, where he was lodged for the last six months, after shifting from Kerala, he was given medicine and breakfast through nasal pipe as scheduled. Around 10 am when they wanted to take him for bath he just went cold. They called nurse and then doctor, who declared him dead.
Sebastian, Sabby for his friends, was an integral part of the radical movement in Maharashtra. Despite his polio affliction disability, he left his home in Kerala all alone after his matriculation and made Bombay his home. He studied to complete his graduation and law degree and practiced in the High Court. He was always part of the radical students movement. Sebastian remained in the forefront of civil rights movement in Maharashtra. He was one of the founders of Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR) after the Emergency and remained its General Secretary until his health rendered him immobile. He fought many valiant battles, inside and outside courts. He participated in numerous fact finding team all over the country. He was elected Chairperson of the International Association of People's Lawyers and Vice President of the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners.Despite his disability he travelled all over the country and abroad.
Sebastian was one of the pioneers of the idea of people's tribunals. He had contributed immensely taking cudgel for the hapless victims of Bombay riots in December 1992 and January 1993, in which around 900 people (275 Hindus and 575 Muslims) lost their lives. Sebastian worked tirelessly in presenting their cases before Shrikrishna Commission.
His indomitable spirit came alive in protest against the draconian laws and anti-people legislation. Two years back, in one of the public meeting, he dared the government to arrest him on the charges of sedition. He thundered that criticizing the government was actually a democratic duty of a citizen and hence to charge people for sedition for doing that is the most unlawful act one could imagine.
I had a good fortune to have his acquaintance for many years. For quite a few incidents in and around Bombay, such as Ramabainagar Dalit Hatyakand, Kalyan riots, Mubra riots, just we two formed an impromptu fact-finding team and rushed off to the sites. Sebastian inspired many people to work for civil rights. Personally,
CPDR mourns the loss of its senior comrade.
Sebastian's mortal remains are taken to a hospital where he would be kept in mortuary and funeral will take place at 4 pm on 25th July 2015.
Anand Teltumbde is current General Secretary of CPDR, Mumbai
Film: Manjhi-The Mountain Man
Arun Kumar, Hindustan Times, Patna Updated: Jul 23, 2015 10:52 IST
Having moved a mountain in his lifetime, Dasrath Manjhi has moved the normally star-struck Bollywood to make a biopic on him after his death.
Manjhi-The Mountain Man, a Ketan Mehta film releasing next month, is inspired by the undying spirit of this landless labourer in Bihar, who in real life, sliced through a 300-feet hill single-handedly to bring accessibility to his remote village.
The film is likely to bring Majhi nationwide fame posthumously. But Manjhi had already attained legendary status in Bihar, long before the movie was even conceived.
Born in a family of landless Mushahars - said to be the lowest of the low in Bihar's rigid caste-ridden society - Manjhi faced steep odds. He toiled tirelessly in a landlord's quarry but lived in penury. The tallest challenge, however, was a rocky mountain that stood between his village Gehlaur in Atri block of Gaya and civilization.
Cut off by the mountain from the rest of the world, the village had no electricity and no amenities. The nearest doctor was at Wazirganj, some 70 kilometres over the mountain.
Everyone cursed the remoteness, but did little. Until Manjhi was spurred into action when his wife Falguni died in 1959. She reportedly died as she could not be taken to a doctor on time.
Manjhi spent the next 22 years chipping the mountain with a hammer, chisel and crowbar. People called him a lunatic, but he carried on till a tiny cleft across a rock wall opened up one day. He then went on to widen the cleft. Some several years later, he managed to carve out a passage 360 feet long and 30 feet wide.
Watch Manjhi trailer
The passage cut down Gehlaur's distance to Wazirgang to 6 kilometres, catapulting Manjhi to the status of a folk hero. Having conquered the mountain, he earned the sobriquet of Mountain Man.
He died of cancer in 2007, but is still eulogized. Gehlour now has a road and a hospital, both named after him. A welcome gate is planned at the entrance of the village, to be named Dasrath Manjhi Dwar, says the Gaya district magistrate Sanjay Agarwal.
Manjhi, when alive, inspired awe. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar stood up and vacated his chair when Manjhi once visited him at his Janata Durbar in Patna. The movie – with Nawazuddin Siddiqui in the role of Manjhi - now may make the nation take a bow in memory of the Mountain Man.
Har govt forms committee to review implementation of SC/ST Act.Dalits Media Watch - News Updates 23.07.15
Dalits Media Watch
News Updates 23.07.15
Har govt forms committee to review implementation of SC/ST Act - Business Standard
Dalit nation - Front Line
http://www.frontline.in/social-issues/social-justice/dalit-nation/article7447625.ece
Dashrath Manjhi: The Mountain Man of Bihar - The Hindustan Times
How Capitalism Is Undermining the Indian Caste System - CATO
http://www.cato.org/blog/how-capitalism-undermining-indian-caste-system
Bodies That Do Not Belong - Dalit Web
HTTP://WWW.DALITWEB.ORG/?P=2845
Please Watch:
Dalits Concerns Before Land Rights
Struggle Groups/ Mainstream Movements
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WU7Sqd7d_9k
Note: Please find attachment for DMW Hindi (PDF)
Business Standard
Har govt forms committee to review implementation of SC/ST Act
Press Trust of India | Chandigarh
July 22, 2015 Last Updated at 19:42 IST
Haryana government has formed a sub-division level Vigilance and Monitoring Committee to review implementation of Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes(Prevention of Atrocities) Act in the state.
A notification has been issued in this regard recently, said a spokesperson of the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Backward Classes Department here today.
The Committee will review implementation of the provisions of the Act, relief and rehabilitation facilities provided to the victims and other matters connected therewith, he said.
Prosecution of cases, role of different officers or agencies responsible for implementing the provisions of the the Act and various reports received by the sub-divisional administration, would also be reviewed by the panel, the spokesperson said.
The Sub-divisional Magistrate would be the Chairman of the Committee while the senior-most Tehsil Welfare Officer of the sub-division concerned would be its Member Secretary, he said.
The other members include elected members of Panchayati Raj institutions belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Deputy Superintendent of Police and Tehsildars of the sub-division concerned among others, the spokesperson said.
The committee would meet at least once in three months and its head office would be the concerned sub-divisional headquarter, he said.
Front Line
Dalit nation
http://www.frontline.in/social-issues/social-justice/dalit-nation/article7447625.ece
NAGARA GOPAL
The findings of Census 2011 provide remarkable insight into the lives Dalits across the country, clearly demonstrating that the government must go the extra mile if it is serious about inclusive growth. By RAMESH CHAKRAPANI
THE Socio-Economic Caste Census 2011 has stirred up a controversy after the government refused to release some findings from the data. But months before it became the eye of a storm, the government had released thorough and insightful statistics on how people belonging to the Scheduled Castes (S.C.s) live, which went practically unnoticed.
The data, from Census 2011, give a clear picture of the socio-economic situation of the S.C.s, with details on the States where they are in significant numbers, their presence in rural and urban areas, the condition of their dwellings, their access to drinking water, the presence or absence of toilets, the type of fuel used for cooking, and the number of households availing themselves of banking services and owning assets such as radios, televisions, telephones, computers, two-wheelers and four-wheelers.
Of the 4,42,26,917 S.C. households in the country, 3,29,19,665 or over 74 per cent live in rural areas and 1,13,07,252 in urban areas. The distribution is similar in most States, with the exception of Gujarat and Maharashtra. Gujarat is the odd man out among all States, with more S.C. households in urban areas (5.04 lakh) than in rural areas (4.91 lakh). In Maharashtra, which has a total of 33.11 lakh households, 17.77 lakh are located in rural areas and 15.34 lakh in urban areas.
A look at the distribution of Dalits across States shows that 60 per cent of the entire S.C population is concentrated in six States: Uttar Pradesh (76.49 lakh households), West Bengal (51.40 lakh), Tamil Nadu (37.59 lakh), (undivided) Andhra Pradesh (36.71 lakh), Maharashtra (33.11 lakh) and Bihar (32.30 lakh).
According to the findings, more than 91 per cent of all the households live in good or livable residences, a encouraging sign of the progress in their living conditions over the years. It is also encouraging to note that 3,98,20,398 households, over 90 per cent, live in own residences. However, data on the number of dwelling rooms present a distressing picture. Of the total, 2,06,16,913 households live in houses with just one dwelling room and 1,39,24,073 get by with just two rooms, and they account for 78 per cent of all S.C. households in the country. Only about 30 lakh households have at least four rooms at home.
The data also show that some 1,75,35,781 households depend on handpumps for drinking water, while 1,29,80,745 access tap water from a treated source, together accounting for 70 per cent of all S.C. households in the nation.
The main source of lighting is electricity in 2,61,04,596 households, or 59 per cent of the total, which may be a measure of how successful the government's electrification programme has been. One must note that even with universal electrification, kerosene is still the chief source of lighting for 1,74,64,007 households all over India, 1,61,36,903 of them in rural areas. The data are an illustration of how electricity is yet to reach millions of marginalised people in rural areas.
A crucial metric of quality of life is the availability of toilets within the premises, and on this count S.C. households still lag behind, with only 1,49,75,126, about 34 per cent of the total, falling under this category. It is distressing to note that 1,82,616 households still dispose night soil into an open drain, while 64,111 depend on a human to remove night soil.
According to the census data, for more than 50 per cent of all people belonging to S.C. communities (2,42,76,493 households), firewood is the main fuel used in cooking. While liquefied petroleum gas has reached only 74,84,864 households, it is heartening to note that 39,729 households use electricity and 87,166 depend on the eco-friendly biogas for their kitchen fuel needs.
Given the government's major push to make banking services available universally, it would do well to start with the S.C. communities, of whom than 50 per cent remain outside the purview of banks. Census 2011 data show that 2,25,29,047 households make use of banking services, less than half of the total, a pointer to how far the government has to go.
On the assets front, it is most disturbing to note that 99,95,804 households do not own any of the following assets: mobile phone or landline, radio, TV, computer, two-wheeler and four-wheeler.
The Hindustan Times
Dashrath Manjhi: The Mountain Man of Bihar
Arun Kumar, Hindustan Times, Patna
Updated: Jul 23, 2015 10:52 IST
Having moved a mountain in his lifetime, Dasrath Manjhi has moved the normally star-struck Bollywood to make a biopic on him after his death.
Manjhi- The Mountain Man, a Ketan Mehta film releasing next month, is inspired by the undying spirit of this landless labourer in Bihar, who in real life, sliced through a 300-feet hill single-handedly to bring accessibility to his remote village.
The film is likely to bring Majhi nationwide fame posthumously. But Manjhi had already attained legendary status in Bihar, long before the movie was even conceived.
Born in a family of landless Mushahars - said to be the lowest of the low in Bihar's rigid caste-ridden society- Manjhi faced steep odds. He toiled tirelessly in a landlord's quarry but lived in penury. The tallest challenge, however, was a rocky mountain that stood between his village Gehlaur in Atri block of Gaya and civilization.
Cut off by the mountain from the rest of the world, the village had no electricity and no amenities. The nearest doctor was at Wazirganj, some 70 kilometres over the mountain.
Everyone cursed the remoteness, but did little. Until Manjhi was spurred into action when his wife Falguni died in 1959. She reportedly died as she could not be taken to a doctor on time.
Manjhi spent the next 22 years chipping the mountain with a hammer, chisel and crowbar. People called him a lunatic, but he carried on till a tiny cleft across a rock wall opened up one day. He then went on to widen the cleft. Some several years later, he managed to carve out a passage 360 feet long and 30 feet wide.
Watch Manjhi trailer
The passage cut down Gehlaur's distance to Wazirgang to 6 kilometres, catapulting Manjhi to the status of a folk hero. Having conquered the mountain, he earned the sobriquet of Mountain Man.
He died of cancer in 2007, but is still eulogized. Gehlour now has a road and a hospital, both named after him. A welcome gate is planned at the entrance of the village, to be named Dasrath Manjhi Dwar, says the Gaya district magistrate Sanjay Agarwal.
Manjhi, when alive, inspired awe. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar stood up and vacated his chair when Manjhi once visited him at his Janata Durbar in Patna. The movie – with Nawazuddin Siddiqui in the role of Manjhi - now may make the nation take a bow in memory of the Mountain Man.
CATO
How Capitalism Is Undermining the Indian Caste System
http://www.cato.org/blog/how-capitalism-undermining-indian-caste-system
By SWAMINATHAN S. ANKLESARIA AIYAR
Karl Marx was wrong about many things but right about one thing: the revolutionary way capitalism attacks and destroys feudalism. As I explain in a new study, in India, the rise of capitalism since the economic reforms of 1991 has also attacked and eroded casteism, a social hierarchy that placed four castes on top with a fifth caste—dalits—like dirt beneath the feet of others. Dalits, once called untouchables, were traditionally denied any livelihood save virtual serfdom to landowners and the filthiest, most disease-ridden tasks, such as cleaning toilets and handling dead humans and animals. Remarkably, the opening up of the Indian economy has enabled dalits to break out of their traditional low occupations and start businesses. The Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DICCI) now boasts over 3,000 millionaire members. This revolution is still in its early stages, but is now unstoppable.
Milind Kamble, head of DICCI, says capitalism has been the key to breaking down the old caste system. During the socialist days of India's command economy, the lucky few with industrial licenses ran virtual monopolies and placed orders for supplies and logistics entirely with members of their own caste. But after the 1991 reforms opened the floodgates of competition, businesses soon discovered that to survive, they had to find the most competitive inputs. What mattered was the price of your supplier, not his caste.
Many tasks earlier done in-house were contracted out for efficiency, and this opened new spaces that could be filled by new entrepreneurs, including dalits. DIOCCI members had a turnover of half a billion dollars in 2014 and aim to double it within five years. Kamble says dalits have ceased to be objects of pity and are becoming objects of envy. They are no longer just job-seekers, they are now job creators.
Even in rural areas, dalits have increasingly moved up the income and social ladders in the last two decades. One survey in the state of Uttar Pradesh shows the proportion of dalits owning brick houses is up from 38 percent to 94 percent, the proportion running their own businesses is up from 6 percent to 36.7 percent, and the proportion owning cell phones is up from zero to one-third. Some former serfs have now become bosses. A rising proportion have become land-owners, and sometimes hire upper-caste workers. Even more revolutionary, say dalits, is the change in their social status. Once they were virtually bonded laborers, and could not eat or drink with the upper castes. Today the bonded labor system is almost gone, and dalits operate restaurants at which upper castes eat and drink. They remain relatively poor and discriminated against, but economic reform since 1991 has revolutionized their social and economic status.
Dalit Web
Bodies That Do Not Belong
HTTP://WWW.DALITWEB.ORG/?P=2845
BY EDITORIAL TEAM ON JULY 17,
Meenu
The existing mainstream narratives about caste in Kerala either express shock and surprise at the continuing persistence of caste in India, or were mostly produced by savarna men and women who were well-aware of the marketability of caste in academia and activism. These most often end up reinforcing the savarna hegemony by appropriating voices of the underprivileged. It is in this context that the internet and social media gave a scope for breaking away from such narratives and became influential in making heard multiple voices which were otherwise kept away from mainstream discourses. The avarna narratives, largely excluded earlier have gathered momentum and much more visibility since.
It is in this background of a mainstream discourse about Kerala where 'caste does not exist' that I write about Soumya Devi, another young Dalit woman who has been subjected to discrimination at her workplace, Technolodge, Kerala's first rural IT park under KeralaState Information Technology Infrastructure Ltd (KSITIL). Soumya hails from a humble family background. Her mother, a nurse, is a retired government employee while father who was engaged in several casual jobs and petty businesses had to stop working due to his chronic health condition. After finishing MBA in Human Resources from Kerala, she went to University of Northampton, UK for Masters in Human Resources, where she studied and worked for almost 5 years. As a competent young woman, she showed the courage to pursue what she dreamed of. Under normal circumstances, a full-time master's degree from a recognized university in the UK opens up ample employment opportunities in India. Soumya also assumed the same and returned home with high hopes.
She had been asked for an interview in a leading financial institution in Kerala where she was more or less assured of a position as Branch Manager. She had the work experience, qualifications and was recommended by an important person. She talked about her experience, "They communicated to me about everything, the salary, perks and so on… I was told that I would be in charge of the Ernakulum Branch. They wanted to meet me. But when I went there, things seemed to have changed and they seemed quite uninterested in taking me. I have no idea why. May be they did not like me. May be they did not find my appearance suitable enough to head a Branch."
I ask her why she thought that her appearance was a reason for not being offered the role. She says that that she finds no other reason at all, and hence assumes that she was rejected because she was not 'beautiful' and 'presentable' as they might have expected. Then she adds that the interviewer said, "I can't believe that you went to the UK for higher studies. You should not have gone to study in UK. There are good colleges and universities in Kerala. I would have rather studied in one of them than gone abroad." It was an ironic comment in a society where emigration for education and livelihood is highly regarded. In Soumya's case, instead of her qualifications (especially her degree from abroad) adding to her value, it seemed to have depreciated her worth in a very unusual way.
In another instance she mentioned that she was an active member of the Technolodge community. She played a major role in its activities and public relations programme. But there seems to be no record of her contributions. There has been a deliberate invisibilization of her presence and activities. In her own words "all media attention that Technolodge got was focussed on a few start-ups although I was the one who spoke to several people and convinced them to start their offices in Technolodge. To the media, they spoke of their gender-focussed efforts to encourage women entrepreneurs, but that was never the case in practice." She recollects instances in meetings where suggestions made by her were promptly ignored, but the same suggestions when made by different people who were part of prominent start-ups were accepted and duly granted. She feels that many of her ideas were presented and executed as someone else's idea, and that she was never allowed to occupy the front row for functions or events. She adds, "from my School days onwards I am active in extracurricular activities. I am not a person with inferior view of myself and who holds myself back. But the society always reminds me that people like me are not fit for the front row."
This reminds me of something that happened in the recent past: the media coverage of the Kiss of Love (KoL) campaign. In an eminent university campus where the protest was organized as part of KoL, women were all dressed up wearing bright shades of lipstick and make-up (interestingly only women were wearing the lipstick). Among the organizers, there was a dark skinned girl who seemed to be an active and important member of the group of protesters. Every news telecast of the protest showed just a quick-peek of her and quickly changed the camera elsewhere when she came into the frame; the camera was more focused on the fairer girls with similar make up although all of them were dressed similarly. Quite interestingly, when the dark girl was speaking, it was just a voice-over while the visuals were of fairer women. Despite being well-read and well-aware both these women seemed to be 'stuck' with bodies that do not quite 'belong' to the spaces which they are part of.
The Stereotypical Bodies
An individual could be understood as a socialized body; the body in which the basics of culture, value systems and practical taxonomies of the society in which one lives. (Jenkins 1992 :76) The 'socialized body' is conditioned to stand with the society by accepting and internalizing its power structure than opposing or resisting it. Pierre Bourdieu conceptualizes habitus as 'an acquired system of generative schemes objectively adjusted to the particular conditions in which it is constituted' (Bourdieu 1977:95) Therefore in a sense, our habitus shapes our social world and external social structures shape our habitus. 'The socialized body (which one calls the individual or person) does not stand in opposition to society; it is one of its forms of existence' (Bourdieu 1980:29). It could be said that in the Indian context habitus is something that is shaped or conditioned by the caste system. It is caste system that disciplines and socializes bodies. Thus the different stereotypes for bodies for 'upper' and 'lower' caste people. Traditionally these bodies were bound by their assigned jobs which are considered to be their duties. When the boundaries are transgressed, when they are visible in spaces which are otherwise meant to be for 'upper' castes, violence is not always explicitly physical but rather perpetuated through symbols and actions that would assert the authority of 'upper' castes by constantly humiliating the 'lower' castes. This maintains the existing status-quo and power structure of caste. This is done by distinguishing US from THEM; 'upper castes' from 'lower castes' through various symbols, of which body and skin tone is an important one.
Skin colour, English-speaking ability, articulation skills, attire etc. are some of the markers of caste. Since many communities in Kerala do not keep caste surnames along with their names, identifying one's caste becomes an inferential game based on the caste stereotype. One can still go wrong in doing so, because across communities in Kerala had all kinds of these markers. If one is from an 'upper caste' community and still dark skinned, she is still considered ugly, not because she is dark-skinned, but her dark-skin represents a lower caste identity. Popular culture and media reinforce these stereotypes, naturalize the power relations and hegemony resulting in the symbolic violence, through what Bourdieu says as "dehistoricisation and universalization". The symbolic violence would seem natural even to those who suffer from it, as it denies the history and social context of such violence, and these naturalized inequalities would be treated as inevitable facts of life. A major part of this dehistoricisation and universalisation in Kerala happened through communist movements; juxtaposing class on to caste and hence negating the existence of caste itself, and thus appropriating the voices to speak about exploitation of the underprivileged, homogenising them underneath class identity.
Soumya's story sounds familiar to me. Many English-speaking, educated, left-leaning Dalit Bahujan Adivasi women (men too) try to live the dream of a casteless Kerala. They act like caste was phenomenon of the past; they know caste just as much as they know of reservation and discrimination never existed in their reality. Until one fine day when something unusual and unexpected happens to wake them from this dream. For Soumya it was when the CEO of the organization asked her, "Why has a Pulaya with no money come to do business? Why don't you go for some other job?" Even though Soumya and her Consultancy firm Be Positive Management was forcefully moved out of Technolodge due to defaulting on rent payment, several others who owed higher amounts were allowed to continue without any warning or termination and got enough time for payment. Her laptop and other belongings were confiscated by Technolodge. Soon after, some socially active groups and well-wishers offered to pay her rent but the CEO of Technolodge took the stand that even if they close down Technolodge, they will not accommodate Soumya. She is now contemplating legal proceedings against the concerned people.
Many spaces which appear modern are sites of violence and exclusion; it constantly tries to expel those who do not belong there. In Malls, IT parks, or in educational institutes, most of the Blue-collar workers are lower castes as if it is quite a 'natural' phenomenon for them to be there; while an Entrepreneur in an IT park such as Technolodge being a lower-caste, that too a woman is quite 'out of place'. It is not surprising that the 'solidarities' extended to those 'in place' would be more than those extended for those 'out of place'.
The Voices of Resistance
It is important to talk about Soumya as a Dalit Woman because the mainstream discourses do not have a vocabulary to speak about her experience. Many of us internalize the society's savarna violence and try to fit in without being able to effectively address the segregations based on caste. Many of us assume, quite wrongly, that our education, qualifications and achievements are merits that rise above caste divisions. They fail to understand that their merit is 'lower caste' merit, which is never the same as the merit of 'upper' castes; for the merit of the savarna is a birth right and privilege which avarna people cannot snatch away or earn. Soumya could have slipped away from this had she not been confirming with the stereotypes of a 'lower caste woman' being dark-skinned; this is possibly why she repeatedly refers to her skin tone. Since she was easily identified as one, she was side-lined. Hers is a fight which every avarna woman has to go through in varied degrees. They deal with multiple paradoxes; everyday becomes a struggle to survive and fit in. In this struggle to fit in the person has to adjust, hide, adopt and imitate. Make herself acceptable. Her intelligence and qualifications do not seem to matter here but her appearance is the indicator of her ancestral caste and thus 'merit'. Soumya's case was no different. There are many out there, struggling, fighting, subverting, resisting their everyday violence. It is this fight because of which they belong; otherwise, they would all be space-less, timeless and caste-less!
News monitored by Girish Pant & AJEET
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
Fact Finding Report ( Atali Violence 25th May 2015)
Atali Fact Finding report
Introduction:
On 25th May 2015, violence erupted in Atali village in Faridabad in Haryana. A mob of Jats attacked Muslims in the village over the construction of a mosque in the village which is opposed by the Jats. The Muslim community was attacked with bricks, swords and axes. Some of the houses belonging to them were set on fire. Three persons got injured. To investigate into this violence, three a team of three members constituted by Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), Mumbai visited Atali on 17th June and interacted with Police commissioner, Muslim community, some elderly persons from the Jat and other communities who were part of Pal panchayat, shopkeepers, media persons and activists. After these interactions, analysis and observations, the fact finding team arrived at some findings and conclusion. These will be presented in this report.
Purpose of this fact finding:
The Indian Constitution guarantees all its citizens fundamental right, including the right to profess, practice and propagate religion of one's choice. As opposed to this principle and vision, the targeted violence against the Muslims in Atali shook the collective social conscience of the people of India. India has a rich history of coexistence of various communities for centuries. Such violence which tears apart the very social fabric of our society is indicative of intolerance and hatred. This is a grave concern standing before a peaceful and plural society. It is an anathema that in a village like Atali where the Jats stopped Muslim families from migrating to Pakistan in 1947 is in news for politics of hatred. CSSS wanted to look for an unbiased analysis of the conflict which it can present before the society.
This fact finding was constituted in order to investigate and understand the reasons causing this conflict. There is a triggering point in every conflict but deeper causes of the conflict should also be investigated. It is required to probe all grounds behind the conflict. This will help to mitigate the impact and formulate strategies to resolve the conflict. Though the reason cited for violence in this conflict is the construction of mosque, CSSS wanted to dig deeper into the facts and understand the conflicts and its reasons and implications in all its nuances from different stakeholders.
The fact finding team:
The fact finding team consisted of Adv Irfan Engineer, Satish Kumar and Neha Dabhade. Adv Irfan Engineer is the director at the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), Mumbai. He is a writer and social activist who has worked on issues relating to peace, rights of marginalized etc. Satish Kumar is a social activist and trade unionist. He is the editor of a fortnightly called Mazdoor Morcha. Neha Dabhade works with CSSS.
Like mentioned above, the fact finding team in order to understand different views and perspectives into this issue spoke to different stakeholders in this conflict. As gathered from previous media reports and fact finding reports, different aspersions were stacked against the police, a lot was written on the status of the mosque, the damage suffered by the Muslims and the actual attack that took place on the ill fated day. Repetition of these issues wouldn't be necessary or desirable. Thus the fact finding team focused more on understanding the pattern of relationship between the Muslim and Jat communities, the processes that built up to the violence and the possible solution. CSSS wanted to unravel the causes of conflicts which give insight into social trends and processes.
The Incident:
It was undisputed that on the evening of 25th May 2015, around 6pmwhen the Muslims were offering Namaz in the mosque which was being reconstructed, a mob of around 500 people attacked the mosque and the houses of Muslims around the Mosque. The estimation of the strength of the mob differs from source to source. The mob was armed with axes, kerosene, brickbats and gas cylinders. Muslims fled the village to save themselves. The mob burnt the houses of some Muslims staying around the mosque. The damage to property was extensive in the houses of a couple of Muslim families like that of Ishak Shaikh and Nasser Ali. Their kitchens, living rooms, cars and motorbikes were set on fire. All the grains and utensils were charred in the fire. There were no casualties. Muslim houses were pelted with bricks and stones. Some of them told the fact finding team that they heard bullets been shot. A couple of families having smaller houses showed the team how their clothes and valuables were looted. The cattle feed was burnt too. The grocery store of a Muslim was burnt. During the stone pelting number of people were hit.
The land where the mosque stands today was once a kabristan and on the village outskirts. Village development led to its extension and thekabristan fell within its boundaries. Muslim community was allotted another plot for kabristan outside the extended village. The waqf land which was formerly used as kabristan by the Muslim community was now used to offer namaz in a makeshift mosque for over fifty years. There had been no objection raised to the Muslims praying in this mosque from anyone in the village. This fact was undisputed. As the numbers of Muslims increased in the village, the Muslims wanted to build a larger mosque to have more space to pray. The panchayat opposed this move claiming that the land on which the mosque stands is panchayat land. The case went to the courts in Faridabad. The civil court ruled that the land was waqf land and the community was therefore entitled to build the mosque. Thus after the order of the court, the construction of the mosque was undertaken. The Commissioner of Police, Faridabad, informed us that a stay order was sought and granted once again from the Appellate Court for stay on this construction but after inspection, the court vacated this stay. This makes it amply clear that the land is waqf land. Thus when the construction of the mosque started, the police were deployed to offer protection and maintain peace. Tensions prevailed since the construction of the mosque which commenced about five days before communal violence targeted the Muslim community.
Some residents of the village, most belonging to the Jat community resisted the construction. However on 25th May when the roof and linter were constructed around 6pm the mosque was attacked by the mob. The communities as well as the police informed the team that majority of the individuals in the mob that attacked the mosque and the Muslim houses belonged to the other villages. One Muslim woman told the team that a cluster of Muslim houses were saved from being burnt when their Hindu neighbor told the mob that only Hindus resided in that cluster. This indicated towards lack of knowledge of the mob which consisted of the outsiders from other villages about the village and the location of the houses of the Muslims. Why should residents of other villages object to construction of a mosque in Atali as it does not affect them in any way? The police, according to the Commissioner of Police, Faridabad, after being outnumbered rescued all the Muslims in the village and took them to Ballabhgarh police station. The Muslims shaken from this unexpected attack felt grave sense of insecurity and uncertainty. They refused to return back to the village. Some Jat elders from the community went to the police station to convince the Muslims to return to the village. After assurances and persuasion the Muslim families returned to the village after camping in the police station for 11 days. The wealthy Muslims have been supporting the embattled community by providing them with food and relief when they had taken refuge in the police station. None of the Hindu families went to help.
One of the demands of the Muslims is to arrest the culprits who were involved in this attack. The police haven't made any arrests so far. The police stated that it would deteriorate the relations between the Jat and Muslim communities had they made any arrests. The police think that arrests will be made in due course and it was inevitable. In the meanwhile, in Atali, though the Muslims have returned there is no peace yet. There is a feeling of distrust and animosity. While the Muslims were persuaded to return to the village, they are facing a formidable socio-economic boycott. The interactions between the neighboring Muslim and Jat families are not as usual and that of cooperation. The interactions are strained. No one in the village hires or buys the services of the Muslims in the village. No vehicle takes Muslims as passengers barring the State transportation buses which ply only twice a day. Thus the Muslim youth can't get out of the village to work elsewhere. No vendor is selling food stuff to the Muslims and the stores refuse to sell their products to Muslims. The Muslim women were complaining of their children being hungry. The Muslim families are living on limited ration that some families are able to procure from other villages. One of the Jat shopkeepers, the fact finding team spoke to openly admitted that they wouldn't sell their wares to Muslims. He also mentioned that the Muslims got INR 50 lakhs as compensation and are not suffering. The Muslim families are worried that their children mostly won't be able to go to school if this boycott persists. Thus their lives are in a sort of a limbo.
Some disturbing information that the Muslim community and the police gave the team was that of the involvement of a large number of youth and women in the mob. While the women in the villages traditionally cover their faces in public, it is interesting how women in such a conservative society are mobilized and participate as member of a violent mob. The team was told that women were actively involved in pelting stones and bricks. This was a disturbing disclosure made by most Muslim women spoken to. This came as a shock to them because they knew these women who were pelting stones and lived together with them since their childhood. They use to celebrate festivals together and eat together. Another grave concern is the violent role of the youth in this conflict. The police as well as the others narrated that youth have been taking an aggressive stand. While the elderly in the village wanted compromise, normalcy and peace in the village, they blamed the young generation to be aggressive and unrelenting. Some anti social elements in the youth are playing mischief and instigating the other youth to take extreme unyielding stand. This is hampering the reconciliation process and eluding resolution of this conflict.
As much as the Pal panchayats lament their loss of power to political panchayats consisting of younger individuals from the villages, they have decided to resolve this conflict and mediate between the two communities. Some members of the Pal panchayat narrated to the team that the Jats of the village had stopped the Muslims from migrating to Pakistan during partition. The village was in need of the valuable services that the Muslims could provide and hence wanted them to continue living in the village. Though this was a positively encouraging story which seemed like an olive branch for peace offering, most of the panchayat members also stated that the backlash that the Muslims face in terms of social and economic boycott was inevitable since they resorted to criminal justice system and are demanding arrest. However at the same time there is a fine levied by the Panchayat on Hindus who speak to Muslims or sell the Muslims any goods or services. It emphasized that they do not want these tensions to prevail and would like the Muslim families to stay in the village with peace. The fact finding was given to understand that the members of the village abide by the decisions made at the panchayat. The Pal panchayat claimed that there are members in the panchayat even from Muslim community.
One of the key issues that were cited to be one of the major factors in the prevailing tension between the Jat community and Muslim communities is that of inter religious marriages. Both the Muslims and Jats spoke about it. Few years ago, a Jat girl eloped with a Muslim boy and settled down in a different village. A year ago, the girl bore a child. The perception that Muslim community is 'enticing' Jat girls has become a sore point for the Jat community and they perceive it to be an offence.
The fact finding team so far couldn't gather information about the exact quantum of compensation that the Muslim families received. While some Muslims claim that the compensation received is meagre and the other community is giving exaggerated figures.
Analysis:
Given the size and composition of the mob and the tools used for the attack goes to show that the attack was pre planned meticulously. Though it isn't clear how this mob was mobilized and the actors responsible for the same but it is difficult to imagine that such a huge mob can gather from different villages at a given time to undertake an attack of this scale. However this violence was a low intensity and contained so as to not draw spectacular media attention and scrutiny from the country. Though no political party has got involved or so it appears but there is a deliberate restrain. Mobilization on this scale is possible with deliberate hate mongering and planning to procure tools and manpower.
The cause behind this attack on the surface appears to be the mosque. But as stated above, the Muslims have been praying in that mosque for decades without any objection from the Jats. So what went wrong this May? From the interactions with different stakeholders, it seems that the Muslims in the village rendered valuable skills and services in the village and thus stopped from migrating from the village. Even after the violence erupted the elderly of the village convinced the Muslims to return only to a socio economic boycott which they justify. The cause of this attack is the change in social order and the upward mobility of some Muslim families in the village on one hand and the reassertion of hegemony and domination of the Jat community on the other. A couple of Muslim families in the village are becoming relatively wealthy due to electricity contracts and other occupations. Since their economic status is improving they desire befitting social status. Pushing for the construction of the mosque is one such way to assert this social prestige. This better condition of some Muslims coupled with their resort to criminal justice system for arrests of the ones involved in the attack is a sore point. The elements in the Jat community that have vested interests want to relegate the Muslims to an inferior position and like to remind the Muslim community that they were given land here and thus have to toe the line set by the majority community. Any claim or assertion of equality is being looked down upon and rivalling the status of that of the Jats. Thus the Muslim community is subjected to violence, fear and discrimination so as to instill fear and acceptance of their secondary position. One Jat youth went to an extent of predicting that there will be internal strife within the Muslim community between the laboring class and the wealthy if this issue is not settled. The social boycott will push the community in such a situation that the laboring class from the community will not be able to carry on and would severe relations from those who have attained middle class status and seek refuge of the rest of the residents of the village (read jats).
The fact finding committee understands that construction of the mosque which is appearing to be the bone of contention is an issue which may not be resolved despite court orders upholding the right of the community to construct the mosque. Interventions from democratic civil society organizations would be necessary to strengthen the vulnerable sections so that they are not forced to write off their democratic rights to buy "peace". The courts earlier have given order in favor of the Muslim community. A makeshift Mosque existed at the same place for over five decades and this is not disputed even by the Jat community. The land earlier was used as aKabristan for the Muslim community. The cemetery was shifted to a land allotted by the village panchayat outside the village. Muslims then started praying on the land that was five decades ago used as a cemetery and constructed a makeshift mosque thereon. For five decades none in the village objected to Muslims praying in the makeshift mosque. Now even the court orders have vindicated put a seal of approval for the construction of a pucca mosque. The elite of the Jat want the Mosque to be constructed outside the village. The Pal panchayat (panchayat that includes group of villages) convened on 28th June, 2015 will now sit on the issue. A Jat youth told us that the Muslim community dare not disobey the decision of the panchayat. Criminal justice system or the State can't protect the Muslims and eventually the panchayat will decide their fate.
Role of the Police:
The Commissioner of Police, Faridabad appeared very earnest about the shortcomings as well as efforts of the police in the conflict. He denied any ill intention towards the Muslim community or any partisan action. He was of the opinion that the police went wrong in assessing the severity and intensity of the attack. Thus it was caught off guard and pathetically outnumbered. The police wanted to contain violence and thus evacuated all the Muslims out of the village and brought them to the police station in Ballabhgarh. The police have been unable to make any arrests due to the strong apprehension of further deterioration of relationship between the Jats and Muslims. Though arrest of the culprits is an important demand of the Muslims in the village, the police have delayed arrests due to strategic reason. They fear further violence and tension in the village if arrests are made. However they have applied stringent sections of the Indian Penal Code like dacoity, attempt to murder, mischief (for setting afire the houses) etc. and invoked stringent provisions of the Arms Act, all of which are non compoundable by nature (cannot be settled between the parties) and non-bailable. 18 FIRs have been filed for the offences committed on 25th May. So arrests of the accused are inevitable and they would be arrested sooner or later. However the police maintained a good presence in the village and want restoration of normalcy and peace first.
Conclusion:
It is very alarming to witness violations of the right of the Muslim community in Atali to practice their religion. The treatment meted out to the Muslims in the village is that of second class citizens. Jat elite behave as if they have superior rights. The writ and might of the majority runs large. The strong message given out to the Muslim community is to live on the magnanimity shown by the Jats and within the boundaries set by them. Resort to the Constitutional mechanisms of justice and rights will not be tolerated. The pal panchayat uses its power to make decisions which it thinks will bring 'peace'. The power and authority that the Pal/ Khap panchayats commands is a formidable challenge to the Indian Constitution, the mechanism it lays down for justice and democracy as a whole in the country. An example of this hegemony lies in the fact that the police have been unable to and hesitant to make arrests in this case as they feel that arrests of the Jats will make it more difficult for the Muslims to live in the village and increase the quench for revenge on the part of the Jat community. The political winds blowing in the whole country might have strengthened the feudal and anti-Constitutional attitudes and forces in Atali too. The unrestrained stigmatization of the Muslim community, though an offence, is freely exploited for gains in electoral politics on one hand, and to strengthen feudal and anti-Constitutional institution like the Pal/Khappanchayats on the other hand. The Jats have been unable to accept any change in social order wherein any member of the Muslims who are largely from labour class, gain upward mobility and become respectable socially. The Muslims who are considered to be lower in hierarchy and social and economic status by the Jats are not being allowed to assert in anyway their rights or their equal existence. The demand to build a puccamosque is being looked at as their assertion of rights and thus perceived as a threat.
The fact finding team was told about the strong mobilization of youth and women on the basis of hatred and violence. This doesn't augur well for a young country like India where women have traditionally played a role of peacebuilders. The youth of the country and every citizen must be respectful of the Constitution which embodies the inclusive vision of our founding members. The right to religion guaranteed in the Constitution of India is openly and defiantly being challenged by the hegemony of the pal panchayats under control of elite Jats who want to avenge and reprimand the Muslim community and have them submit to their power in every way possible. The construction of the Mosque is just one symptom or manifestation of this scheme. Peace can prevail where there is justice and where justice appears to have been done.
The recommendations of the fact finding committee:
This conflict in its various nuances especially the causes and implications is not strictly isolated or found only in Atali. There are several instances of targeted violence – physical as well as social and economic against marginalized communities. This has to be problematized and there are various approaches to this issue. After our interactions with different stakeholders in the conflict and our assessment of the situation, the fact finding team would present some recommendations that might help in resolving this conflict and put in perspective the larger issue:
- Legal Justice: Although the police have identified miscreants, arrests haven't been made due to apprehensions of exacerbating the situation. However, the ones involved in rioting and criminal offences must be brought to justice. Since direct arrests made by the police have the potential to instigate more disturbances, the police can approach the court to issue summons to those accused and then proceed with arrests. It is crucial that rule of law must prevail all across the country irrespective of localized bodies likekhap panchayats that extend their dominance in their respective regions.
- Protection of police: To ensure the safety of people engaged in the construction of the mosque and those supporting the construction of the mosque, should seek police-protection to continue with the construction of the mosque peacefully without facing violence and intimidation.
- Respect for law: While the CSSS fact finding team recommends protection for the Muslim community involved in the construction of the mosque, it also recommends the mosque to function within the ambit of the law. Measures should be taken to ensure that the construction of the mosque does not disturb the local population and equally importantly, the mosque should respect the law and not disrupt peace and quiet during the assigned hours of 10 pm to 6am ban on use of loud speakers in public spaces.
- Anti-discrimination law: The social economic boycott faced by the Muslims in the village is an immediate concern and steps must be taken to lift it. While efforts can be made at micro level by the administration and panchayats, it would be helpful to deal with such crisis if there is an anti-discrimination law or any other laws which will sufficiently deter as well as penalize this kind of boycott and protect equality of all.
- Welfare Scheme to be accessible by all: Benefits of welfare schemes must be equally enjoyed in the village by all individuals and thus involvement of Muslims must be ensured in MNREGA, access to capital, scholarships etc. to ease the impact of the boycott.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Centre for Study of Society and Secularism
Mumbai.
E-mail: csss2work@gmail.com
जसोदाबेन से क्यों डरती है भाजपा
क ल्पना करें कि किसी मुल्क के प्रधानमंत्री की पत्नी, एक सूबे में जहां सत्ताधारी पार्टी की ही सरकार है, एक संगठन के कार्यक्रम में उसके बुलावे पर पहुंचती है और आयोजन अधबीच में ही समाप्त कर दिया जाता है।
ऐसी किसी खबर पर सहसा यकीन करना मुश्किल हो सकता है, मगर पिछले दिनों ऐसा ही वाकया 120 करोड़ आबादी के इस मुल्क में ही नमूदार हुआ जब 'नमो इंडिया सेना'– जो जनाब मोदी के मुरीदों का संगठन है – द्वारा सूरत में आयोजित एक सार्वजनिक कार्यक्रम में सुश्री जसोदाबेन नरेंद्रभाई मोदी पहुंचीं और सात दिन के लिए चलने वाला उपरोक्त कार्यक्रम तीसरे ही दिन समाप्त कर दिया गया। (देखें, 'शी हू बीजेपी कनाट स्टमक', द टेलीग्राफ, 12 जून 2015)
खबर के मुताबिक 'बेटी बचाओ, बेटी पढ़ाओ'वाले उपरोक्त कार्यक्रम में जसोदाबेन पहुंचीं, जहां उन्हें बात रखने के लिए कहा गया था, मगर आयोजकों ने ही उन्हें मना कर दिया और कुछ समय बाद आयोजकों को स्थानीय भाजपा नेताओं ने बुलाया और उन्हें कार्यक्रम तत्काल खत्म करने के लिए कहा। समाचार के मुताबिक आयोजकों की बात भाजपा अध्यक्ष अमित शाह से भी करवा दी गई। आखिर अचानक ऐसा क्यों हुआ कि सूरत के भाजपा नेताओं ने एक ऐसे संगठन के कार्यक्रम में सीधे हस्तक्षेप किया जो किसी भी रूप में भाजपा का आनुषंगिक संगठन नहीं था और किस वजह से मुख्य आयोजक को सहारनपुर स्थित अपने घर जाने की 'सलाह'भी दी गई।
याद रहे कि पेशे से स्कूल अध्यापक रही जसोदाबेन का नाम 2014 में पहली दफा सुर्खियों में तब आया जब प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने नामांकन के दौरान औपचारिक तौर पर सुश्री जसोदाबेन का नाम पत्नी के तौर पर लिखा। यूं तो दोनों की शादी की खबरें बहुत पहले से चल रही थीं, मगर उन्होंने इसके पहले के चुनावों में नामांकन के दौरान इसके बारे में मौन ही बरता था। बताया गया कि 1968 में शादी के कुछ माह बाद ही वह उनसे अलग हुए थे और सुश्री जसोदाबेन अपने भाइयों के साथ रह रही थीं।
गौरतलब है कि सूरत के सम्मेलन को आनन-फानन में समाप्त करने जैसा यह उदाहरण कोई अपवाद नहीं है, जब भाजपा-संघ की असहजता सामने आई हो। आखिर इसकी क्या वजह हो सकती है, जबकि उन्होंने कभी भी सार्वजनिक तौर पर अपने पति के बारे में कोई शिकायत नहीं की है और न ही उनके राजनीतिक विरोधियों को ऐसा कोई मौका प्रदान किया है। इससे आगे के पेजों को देखने लिये क्लिक करें NotNul.com
त्रासदियों का भूकंप अभी बाकी है
-- अभी-अभी पत्रकारों के समूह के साथ नेपाल से वापस लौटा रिक्टर पैमाने पर 7.9 पर आए विनाशकारी भूकंप के करीब दो माह गुजर जाने के बावजूद उसकी त्रासदी आज भी जारी है। एक अनुमान के अनुसार इस भूकंप में दस हजार से ज्यादा लोग मारे गए तथा इससे कई गुना ज्यादा घायल हुए। 25 अप्रैल के बाद नेपाल में भूकंप के करीब 300 झटके लग चुके हैं। अगर आप कार से गोरखपुर से नेपाल चले तो काठमांडू पहुंचने में करीब दस घंटे लग जाते हैं। परंतु भूकंप ने सड़कों तथा पुलों की ऐसी हालत कर दी है कि पंद्रह बीस घंटे आराम से लग जाते है।
भूकंप के बाद काठमांडू ऐसा दिखाई देता है कि मानो आप युद्धग्रस्त काबुल या बेरूत पहुंच गए हैं। शहर की साठ प्रतिशत इमारतें आंशिक रूप से या पूर्णत: क्षतिग्रत हो गई है। जो बच गई हैं वे रहने योग्य नहीं रह गई हैं। अनेक नेपाली मित्रों ने बताया कि माओवादी हिंसा तथा राजतंत्र की समाप्ति के बाद नेपाल का पर्यटन उद्योग का काफी विकास हुआ। फलस्वरूप बड़ी-बड़ी इमारतें तथा कॉम्पलेक्स बिना इस बात की परवाह किए बनने लगे कि सारे हिमालय का क्षेत्र अस्थिर है और पहले भी यहां बड़े भूकंप आ चुके हैं तथा भविष्य में आने की संभावना बनी रहती है। पुरानी इमारतों की कमजोर नींव पर बिना किसी जांच पड़ताल के कई-कई मंजिली इमारतें बना दी गई। ऐसी स्थिति में कोई बड़ा भूकंप तबाही ला सकता था और ऐसा ही हुआ।
आज नेपाल में चीन तथा भारत भारी पैमाने पर पूंजी निवेश कर रहे है। चीन से नेपाल तक रेलमार्ग बिछाने की एक महत्त्वाकांक्षी योजना पर कार्य चल रहा है। यह रेलमार्ग दुर्गम पहाड़ों से सैकड़ों सुरंगों से होकर गुजरेगा। यहां तक कि एवरेस्ट क्षेत्र के इलाके से भी आ जाएगा। अगर यह परियोजना संपूर्ण होती है तो यह इंजीनियरिंग का एक बड़ा चमत्कार होगा। परंतु अब नेपाल के एक बड़े तबके ने इस परियोजना के खिलाफ आवाज उठाना शुरू कर दिया है। क्योंकि इस परियोजना में पर्यावरण पर पड़ने वाले दबाव पर ध्यान नहीं दिया गया। नेपाल में उर्जा की भारी कमी को देखते हुए विदेशी सहयोग से कई बड़े-बड़े बांधों को बनाने तथा उससे उर्जा उत्पादन करने की योजना है। पहाड़ों पर बड़े बांध भूकंप की संभावना को बढ़ाते हैं तथा भूकंप आने पर भारी तबाही भी मचाते हैं। नेपाल में भारी मात्रा में जल संसाधन है। छोटी-छोटी परियोजनाएं बनाकर झरनों के पानी का उपयोग करके भारी मात्रा में उर्जा का उत्पादन हो सकता है तथा पर्यावरण को भी बचाया जा सकता है। परंतु भारत की तरह नेपाल में भी बड़े बांधों की समर्थक लाबी बहुत मजबूत है तथा उसमें उनके निजी हित भी निहित है। पुराने समय में पहाड़ों पर पगोड़ा शैली के घर तथा मंदिर बनाए जाते थे जिससे भूकंप आने पर इमारतों के प्रत्येक हिस्से पर समान रूप से आते थे तथा घर गिरने से बच जाते थे। इस विनाशकारी भूकंप में पशुपतिनाथ मंदिर के बच जाने का यही कारण है। पश्चिमी शैली की बहुमंजिली इमारतें पहाड़ों पर खतरनाक सिद्ध होती हैं तथा भूकंप आने पर यह ताश के पत्तों की तरह ढह जाती है। नेपाल में यही हुआ।
नेपाल एक ऐसा देश है जो कभी किसी देश का उपनिवेश नहीं बना, करीब पचास लाख नेपाली भारत सहित विश्व के अनेक देशों में रोजगार के लिए निवास करते हैं। इसके बावजूद नेपाल में एक तरह की देशज राष्ट्रीयता उनकी भाषा, संस्कृति तथा रीति -रिवाजों में दिखाई देती हैै। भूकंप ने नेपाल को आर्थिक रूप से कई दशक पीछे छोड़ दिया। आम नेपाली तथा वहां के कई राजनीतिक समूह यह महसूस करते थे कि सहायता के नाम पर भारत-चीन के बीच नेपाल पर वर्चस्व की लड़ाई चल रही है। इसलिए नेपाल को सारे देशों के राहत कर्मियों को वापस लौटने को कहना पड़ा। यद्यपि विदेशी राहतकर्मियों के वापस लौटने पर नेपाल की समस्या घटी नहीं बढ़ी हैं, वर्षा का मौसम आ गया है और हजारों लोग अभी भी खुले में रह रहे हैं। नेपाली सरकार के अनुसार 25 लाख लोगों को तुरंत सहायता की जरूरत है। नेपाल में तीन महीने वर्षा के दिनों को छोड़कर सारे वर्ष भारी पैमाने पर भारतीय तथा विदेशी पर्यटक पहुंचते हैं। भूकंप के बाद पर्यटकों ने नेपाल से मुंह मोड़़ लिया है। रत्नापार्क स्थित एक होटल का मैनेजर बता रहा था कि होटल में साल भर की एडवांस बुकिंग हो जाती है परंतु आज होटल खाली पड़ा हुआ है। लोग अपनी बुकिंग केंसिल करवा रहे हैं। काठमांडू तथा भक्तपुर में प्राचीन विरासतों को भूकंप से भारी क्षति पहुंची है। पुराना राजमहल परिसर जिसमें नेपाली शिल्प कला के नमूनों के अनेक मंदिर तथा आठ मंजिला लकड़ी का राजमहल मौजूद है। जिसे यूनोस्को ने विश्व विरासत घोषित किया है। भूकंप ने इस इलाके को भारी क्षति पहुंचाई है। इसका पुर्ननिर्माण काफी कठिन लगता है। सर्दियों के मौसम में भी विदेशी पर्यटकों के आने की संभावना काफी कम है। इससे होटल तथा पर्यटन व्यवसाय में लगे लोगों में भारी बेरोजगारी फैली है।
भूकंप के बाद नेपाल में सबसे बड़ा खतरा मानव तस्करी का है। नौकरी के लालच में काफी कम उम्र की लड़कियों तथा लड़को को भारत सहित अरब देशो तक में बेचने की घटनाएं पहले भी होती रहती थी। नेपाल में माओवादी गृह युद्ध तथा उसके बाद भूकंप की विनाशकारी त्रासदी के कारण अनाथे हुए बच्चों तथा बच्चियों को बहला-फुसला कर सीमा पार कर बेचने की घटनाएं बहुत तेज हो गई हैं। इस संबंध में नेपाल के सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओ ने बताया कि भारतीय सीमाओं विशेष रूप से सोनौली तथा रक्सौल में भारी चौकसी रखने के बावजूद भारत तथा नेपाल के बीच सैकड़ों किमी खुली सीमा है जो खेतों से होकर गुजरती है इसलिए वहां पूर्ण निगरानी संभव नहीं है।
पिछले दिनों काठमांडू में नेपाल सहायता समूह की बैठक में भारतीय विदेश मंत्री ने नेपाल के पुनर्निर्माण के लिए एक अरब डालर देने की घोषणा की है। चीन, नार्वे तथा अमेरिका सहित अन्य देशों ने भी सहयोग की पेशकश की।
नेपाल में अपने इतिहास में अनेक गृह युद्ध तथा प्राकृतिक आपदाओं को झेला है। यह दुनिया के सबसे गरीब मुल्कों में से एक है। यहां मानव विकास दर बहुत कम है। भूकंप की त्रासदी बहुत बड़ी है परंतु बिना किसी विदेशी हस्ताक्षेप के नेपाली जनता तथा समाज इस आपदा पर भी उसी प्रकार विजय प्राप्त कर लेगा जैसा उसने 250 वर्ष पुरानी राजशाही को उखाड़ कर किया था। इससे आगे के पेजों को देखने लिये क्लिक करें NotNul.com
इंसाफ के बदले मुंह बंदकराई!
-- उत्तर प्रदेश
उत्तर प्रदेश ने अपने इतिहास में अराजकता और अव्यवस्था के कई दौर देखे हैं, लेकिन ऐसा दौर कभी नहीं देखा जिसमें सरकार ने मुआवजे और नौकरियों को इंसाफ मांगने वालों की मुंह बंदकराई में बदल दिया हो और उनकी आड़ में की गई डीलों से 'अपने'अपराधियों को बचाने में सफलता पाने पर विजयदर्प से मुसकुराती हो! कोई तो समझाए उसे कि यह मुसकुराने का नहीं चुल्लू भर पानी तलाशने का मामला है।
इंसाफ का रूप हमेशा एक-सा नहीं रहता। राजतंत्रों के दौर में जो राजा कहे, वही न्याय होता था। मुगल बादशाह जहांगीर के काल में हम उसकी एक विशिष्ट शैली-जहांगीरी इंसाफ-से भी गुजरे। लोकतंत्र यानी व्यक्तियों के बजाय नियमों व कानूनों का शासन आया तो हमने इंसाफ की भी स्वतंत्रता, समता व बंधुत्व जैसे मूल्यों के समरूप कल्पना की, जिसमें बदले व न्याय में फर्क करने की तमीज को भी शामिल किया। 'खून के बदले खूनÓ से तौबा को भी। यही कारण है कि अब कोई अपने या दूसरों के साथ हुई अथवा की जा रही नाइंसाफियों के खिलाफ आवाज उठाता है तो स्वाभाविक तौर पर विश्वास कर लेते हैं कि वह उसे इंसाफ की हमारी लोकतांत्रिक कल्पना के अनुरूप तार्किक परिणति तक ले जाएगा। न कि यह कि अपने पक्ष में थोड़ा समर्थन और शक्ति जुटा लेगा तो उसे अपने और नाइंसाफी पर उतरी शक्तियों/सरकारों के बीच का मामला मानकर मूल्यहीन सौदेबाजी पर उतर आएगा और झमेले से निजात को आतुर सरकारें भी इस सौदेबाजी को खुशी-खुशी आगे बढ़ाएंगी।
पिछले दिनों उत्तर प्रदेश के शाहजहांपुर में कथित रूप से जलाकर मार दिए गए पत्रकार जगेंद्र की इंसाफ मांग रही पत्नी और बेटों ने जिस तरह अचानक यू-टर्न लेकर मामले की सीबीआई जांच कराने की अपनी मांग छोड़ दी और इसे लेकर चलाया जा रहा धरना समाप्त कर दिया, उससे हमारे उक्त विश्वास को गहरा झटका लगा है। पहले पत्नी-बेटे अपनी मांग के पक्ष में खासी दृढ़ता दिखा रहे थे और चाहते थे कि प्रदेश के जिन पिछड़ा कल्याण मंत्री राममूर्ति वर्मा के उकसावे पर पुलिसकर्मियों ने जगेंद्र को आग लगाई, उसने अपने मृत्युपूर्व बयान में जिनका नाम लिया और जिनके खिलाफ एफआइआर दर्ज कराई जा चुकी है, उन्हें तत्काल गिरफ्तार किया जाए।
जगेंद्र के एक बेटे ने बीबीसी से बात करते हुए कहा था कि वे मुख्यमंत्री के इस आश्वासन पर एतबार नहीं कर पा रहे कि किसी के साथ अन्याय नहीं होने दिया जाएगा। उसका कहना था कि जो उत्तर प्रदेश पुलिस मामले के अभियुक्त मंत्री को छूने की भी हिम्मत नहीं कर पा रही, वह जांच करेगी तो उलटे जगेंद्र को ही दोषी ठहरा देगी। पुलिस ने जिस तरह उक्त मंत्री पर बलात्कार का आरोप लगा चुकी जगेंद्र की महिला मित्र को, जो आंगनबाड़ी कार्यकर्ता भी है, बयान बदलने की चर्चाओं के बीच हर किसी की पहुंच से दूर किया हुआ था, उससे भी जगेंद्र के परिजनों के अंदेशे व असंतोषों को बल मिल रहा था। लखनऊ समेत विभिन्न जिलों में कई पत्रकार समूहों व उनके संगठनों ने भी उनके समर्थन में धरनों व ज्ञापनों आदि का सिलसिला शुरू कर रखा था।
लेकिन अब इन परिजनों को 'वी द पीपुल'नाम के एक गैर सरकारी संगठन द्वारा सीबीआई जांच की उनकी मांग को लेकर उच्च न्यायालय में दायर जनहित याचिका के फैसले तक का इंतजार नहीं है। वे जगेंद्र के हत्यारों को सजा दिलाने का जज्बा भी नहीं बचा पाए हैं। इस बीच बदला सिर्फ इतना है कि बसपा के एक पूर्व विधायक की पहल पर जगेंद्र के दोनों बेटे मुख्यमंत्री अखिलेश यादव से मिलकर तीस लाख रुपए के मुआवजे व दोनों के लिए नौकरियों का आश्वासन प्राप्त कर आए हैं। किसी को नहीं मालूम कि यह उनकी अब तक लोगों की निगाहों से छिपी आ रही मंशा का परिणाम है या उन्होंने इस डर से यह सौदा स्वीकार कर लिया कि प्रदेश सरकार का कुसूरवारों के पक्ष में खड़े होने के मद्देनजर उन्हें इंसाफ तो मिलने से रहा, क्यों न बदले में जो कुछ मिल रहा है, उसे ही स्वीकार करके खुश हो लिया जाए! फिलहाल, इसे उनके द्वारा जगेंद्र के कुसूरवारों को अभयदान के रूप में देखा जा रहा है।
जाहिर है कि अब इस प्रकरण को जनहित से जोड़ने और दोषियों को उनके किए की सजा दिलाने की कोशिश में लगे लोगों की हालत 'मुद्दई सुस्त और गवाह चुस्तÓ जैसी हो गई है। वे करें भी क्या, जिनके इंसाफ के पैरोकार थे, उन्होंने खुद ही उसका विकल्प चुन लिया और बदले में रुपए व नौकरियां पाकर खुश हो गए हैं।
सवाल जितना नैतिक या राजनीतिक है, उतना ही सांस्कृतिक भी। पिछले दशकों में हमने अर्थाधारित मूल्यहीन समाज के निर्माण की दिशा में जितनी तेजी से कदम बढ़ाए हैं, उससे सांस्कृतिक मूल्यों के खासे तेज हो गए क्षरण के बीच अब हमें ऐसी चीजें ज्यादा विचलित या चकित नहीं करतीं। मान-सा लिया गया है कि रुपए की सत्ता सबसे ऊपर होगी और उसके लिए जीवन के प्राय: सारे क्षेत्रों में सही गलत समझौते किए जाएंगे तो समता, बंधुत्व व न्याय जैसे मूल्यों से भी समझौते होंगे और मूल्यहीनता तक जाएंगे ही। ऐसे ही एक समझौते के तहत अरसा पहले इसी प्रदेश के एक मंत्री ने बलात्कार का मुआवजा मिलने से पहले ही पीड़ित महिला से फिर बलात्कार हो जाने पर लापरवाही से कह दिया था कि वे उसे दो बार मुआवजा दिला देंगे। है न इंसाफ की कमाल की समझदारी!
ऐसी ही समझदारी के तहत अखिलेश सरकार 'अपनों'के अपराधों में मुआवजे के प्रावधानों को पीड़ितों से डील की तरह इस्तेमाल कर रही है। मामला राजा भइया के कुंडा में कर्तव्यनिष्ठ पुलिस अधिकारी की हत्या का हो तो भी और महाराजगंज निवासी पत्रकार धीरज पांडे की सपा के एक पूर्व विधायक के वाहन से कुचलकर मौत का हो तो भी, नौकरियां और मुआवजे इंसाफ की आवाज को दबाने के इस सरकार के हथियार बन गए हैं। तभी तो जगेंद्र के परिवार को तीस लाख और दो नौकरियां मिलीं तो धीरज पांडे के परिवार को महज बीस लाख। यानी मुआवजा वह इस तथ्य से तय करती है कि जिसे दे रही है, उसका मुंह कितना बड़ा है और वह उसे बंद रखने की कितनी छोटी या बड़ी कीमत का पात्र है। पिछले दिनों उसकी ऐसी ही कारस्तानियों के चलते अदालत ने पूछा कि मुआवजे के बाबत कोई नीति भी है या नहीं, तो उसने चुप्पी साध ली थी।
यह तो कह नहीं सकती थी कि रुपए के सारे मूल्यों व नैतिकताओं से बड़े होने के सुभीते का इस्तेमाल कर रही है। क्या करे, अब कई बेटे नौकरीपेशा बाप को सेवानिवृत्त होने से पहले ही ठिकाने लगाकर उसकी जगह नौकरी पा लेना चाहते हैं और सीमा पर शहीद कई जवानों की पत्नियां उन्हें मिले मुआवजे से शहीद के माता-पिता यानी अपने सास-ससुर को टका नहीं देना चाहतीं। न ही उनके बुढ़ापे की जिम्मेदारी निभाना चाहती हैं।
इस सरकारी चुप्पी के बीच एक बड़ा प्रश्न यह है कि यह स्थिति आगे हमें किधर ले जाएगी? समूह के रूप में हम बिकने से इनकार करके अपने मूल्यों की रक्षा कर पाएंगे या ऐसे ही उनके ताबूतों में कीलों का ठोंका जाना देखते रहेंगे?
4फिलहाल, उत्तर प्रदेश ने अपने इतिहास में अराजकता और अव्यवस्था के कई दौर देखे हैं, लेकिन ऐसा दौर कभी नहीं देखा जिसमें सरकार ने मुआवजे और नौकरियों को इंसाफ मांगने वालों की मुंह बंदकराई में बदल दिया हो और उनकी आड़ में की गई डीलों से 'अपने'अपराधियों को बचाने में सफलता पाने पर विजयदर्प से मुसकुराती हो! कोई तो समझाए उसे कि यह मुसकुराने का नहीं चुल्लू भर पानी तलाशने का मामला है। इससे आगे के पेजों को देखने लिये क्लिक करें NotNul.com
मौन का गहराता मौसम Author: पंकज बिष्ट
मौन का गहराता मौसम
Author: पंकज बिष्ट Edition : July -2015
संपादकीय
एक साल पूरा होते न होते नरेंद्र मोदी के नेतृत्व वाली एनडीए सरकार जिस तरह से औचित्य और मर्यादा के संकट में फंस गई है वह कोई आश्चर्य की बात नहीं मानी जा सकती। असल में यह सरकार, अपने सांप्रदायिक एजेंडे के अलावा, किसी भी रूप में कांग्रेस से अलग नहीं है। हां, नेतृत्व के तरीके अवश्य अलग हो सकते हैं। देखा जाए तो मोदी का स्वयं को किसी भी भ्रष्टाचार से ऊपर होने का दावा करना एक ऐसी बलाए जान हो गया है कि उनसे मुंह खोलते नहीं बन रहा है। यह उतना ही अर्थ रखता है जितना कि कमोबेश मनमोहन सिंह के संदर्भ में था। बल्कि मनमोहन सिंह को एक बारगी माफ किया जा सकता है क्योंकि वह कभी भी जननेता नहीं थे, न ही उन्होंने कभी कोई चुनाव जीता। उनके हाथ में पार्टी का नेतृत्व भी नहीं था। यही नहीं जिस सरकार का वह नेतृत्व कर रहे थे वह गठबंधन सरकार थी और उसमें शामिल पार्टियां खासी बलशाली थीं। इसलिए उनकी सीमाएं स्पष्ट रही हैं। मनमोहन सिंह को नरेंद्र मोदी ने चुनावों के दौरान 'मौन सिंहÓ कहा था। पर जहां तक मोदी का सवाल है वह प्रचंड बहुमत से जीते हुए हैं और पार्टी का नियंत्रण भी अमित शाह के माध्यम से उनके कब्जे में है। यहां याद किया जा सकता है कि शाह कई आपराधिक मामलों में फंसे हुए हैं और जेल से किसी तरह छूटे हैं। यानी उनकी स्थिति इस कदर कमजोर है कि वह मोदी के इशारे पर नाचने के अलावा और कुछ कर ही नहीं सकते। आरएसएस नियंत्रित भाजपा अनुशासित पार्टी है। वहां बिना इजाजत बोलने का अधिकार नहीं है। इसका लाभ मोदी को फिलहाल मिल रहा है। इसके बावजूद वह मौन क्यों हैं? क्या उन्हें भी उन्हीं की तर्ज पर 'नंबÓ मोदी कहा जा सकता है। अंग्रेजी शब्द 'नंब'का अर्थ है सुन्न।
पर अगर स्वयं को सबसे अलग और अपने दौर को एक नई शुरुआत कहने वाले मोदी के नेतृत्व के एक ही वर्ष के अंदर एक के बाद एक भ्रष्टाचार और कदाचार के मामले सामने आने लगे हों तो यह सब अचानक नहीं कहा जा सकता। हां, संयोग जरूर हो सकता है। पर ज्यादा खतरनाक बात यह है कि उनके नेतृत्व को लेकर भी गंभीर सवाल उठने लगे हैं। महाराष्ट्र के वरिष्ठ विधायक राज पुरोहित का जो वीडियो सामने आया है, उसमें कही गई बात कि "मोदी और शाह सत्ता के केंद्र बन गए हैं और इस तरह के लोकतंत्र का कोई मतलब नहीं है", निजी तौर पर कही जाने के बावजूद महत्त्वपूर्ण है। यह इस बात का संकेत है कि मोदी के व्यक्ति केंद्रित नेतृत्व के खिलाफ पार्टी में असंतोष काफी गहराई तक फैल चुका है। इसमें लाल कृष्ण आडवाणी, मुरली मनोहर जोशी और यशवंत सिन्हा के वक्तव्यों को भी जोड़ दिया जाए ,जो भाजपा के इन वरिष्ठ नेताओं ने पिछले दो सप्ताह के अंदर कहे हैं, तो खतरे की गंभीरता समझ में आने लगती है। नए 'आपात काल'की बनती स्थितियों के बाद 27 जून को आडवाणी ने सुषमा स्वराज और वसुंधरा राजे को लेकर जो 'राजधर्म'और 'सार्वजनिक नैतिकता'की बात की है, उससे स्पष्ट है कि यह पुराना योद्धा आसानी से मैदान छोड़ने वाला नहीं है। और यही कारण है कि 'वाचाल मोदी'अचानक 'अवसुन्न मोदी'नजर आने लगे हैं।
सच यह है कि जानकारों का नरेंद्र मोदी के सत्ता में आते ही कहना था कि चाहे वह जो कहते और करते नजर आएं, उनकी सीमाएं स्पष्ट हैं। यानी न तो भ्रष्टाचार कम हो पाएगा और न ही ज्यादा समय तक पार्टी पर उनका कब्जा रह पाएगा। सवाल है ऐसा क्यों है? यहां एक प्रतिप्रश्न हो सकता है। धीरूभाई अंबानी का उदय कैसे हुआ? कैसे एक पेट्रोल पंप में काम करने वाला अपने ही जीवन काल में भारत का सबसे बड़ा उद्योगपति बन गया?
उत्तर सीधा-सा है: राजनीतिक प्रश्रय के कारण। इसे आप आजादी के बाद का पीपीपी मॉडल कह सकते हैं। इसमें पब्लिक संपत्ति प्राइवेट लाभ में सहयोग करती है और इस तरह नई परियोजनाएं सामने आती हैं। मुकेश अंबानी ने राडिया टेपों में यूं ही नहीं कहा कि 'कांग्रेस अपनी दुकान है'। यह प्रश्रय क्यों मिला? चुनाव लड़ने की मजबूरी के कारण। क्रोनी पूंजीवाद के लिए सबसे उर्वरक जमीन लोकतांत्रिक व्यवस्था है और इससे जुड़ी अनियमितताएं 'दुनिया के सबसे बड़े लोकतंत्रÓ भारत तक ही सीमित नहीं हैं बल्कि 'दुनिया के सबसे पुराने लोकतंत्र'ब्रिटेन और 'दुनिया के सबसे जीवंत लोकतंत्र'अमेरिका में भी कुछ हेर-फेर के साथ इसी हद तक देखी जा सकती हैं। ये अनियमितताएं हर रोज मंहगी होती जा रही लोकतंत्र की कीमत चुकाने के लिए धन बटोरने की मजबूरी से जुड़ी हैं। कोई आपको धन यों ही नहीं देगा। सत्ताधारी इस प्रतिदान को अन्य तरह की अनुकंपाओं के माध्यम से चुकाते हैं जिनमें सार्वजनिक संसाधनों को मुफ्त या नाममात्र के दामों में देना एक सर्वविदित और व्यापक रूप से अपनाया जाने वाला तरीका है।
उदारीकरण के दौर की शुरुआत
जैसे-जैसे देश में पूंजी का दबदबा बढ़ा है, विशेषकर नब्बे के दशक के उदारीकरण के बाद, चुनावों से जुड़े भ्रष्टाचारों की संख्या में उसी अनुपात में वृद्धि हुई है। चुनावी भ्रष्टाचार से जुड़े आरोपों का उदारीकरण के बाद सबसे पहला शिकार स्वयं राजीव गांधी हुए थे जो 'मिस्टर क्लीनÓ के रूप में उभरे थे। (क्या मोदी दूसरे 'मिस्टर क्लीनÓ साबित होने जा रहे हैं?)विडंबना देखिए राजीव गांधी और उनके वित्तमंत्री विश्वनाथ प्रताप सिंह उदारीकरण के जनक थे।
पूंजी के उदय या कहिए समाजवादी सपने के ध्वस्त होने के साथ हुआ यह कि जमीनी स्तर पर काम करने वालों, श्रमिक संगठनों और सामाजिक आंदोलनों का अंत हो गया। नेता बनना बड़ी पूंजी का खेल हो गया जिसकी मदद उच्च स्तरीय तकनीक, कॉरपोरेट पत्रकारिता और विशेषकर इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मीडिया ने करनी शुरू कर दी। एक मामले में मीडिया के अधिकतम इस्तेमाल की शुरुआत भी राजीव गांधी ने इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मीडिया का इस्तेमाल करके की। इसके बाद अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी के नेतृत्व में एनडीए की सरकार ने विज्ञापन का, विशेषकर इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मीडिया – सरकारी और गैरसरकारी – के माध्यम से, अपने प्रचार के लिए जबर्दस्त इस्तेमाल किया। यह बात और है कि दोनों का ही दांव अंतत: गलत साबित हुआ। (प्रसंगवश वसुंधरा राजे के खिलाफ आज जो समाचार चैनल सबसे ज्यादा हल्ला मचा रहा है स्वयं उसके मालिक का नाम भी ललित मोदी की सूची में आया है। किसी मीडिया घराने का आइपीएल के घपले में जुड़े होने की संभावना से इंकार नहीं किया जा सकता। पर इस गलाकाट दुनिया में मीडिया के अपने हित हैं और वे कब सत्ताधारियों से टकराने लगें कहा नहीं जा सकता, शायद नरेंद्र मोदी को इस बात का आभास होने लगा हो, गोकि अभी उन पर हमला उतना सीधा नहीं हो रहा है पर कहा नहीं जा सकता कि वह कब निशाने की जद में आ जाएं।)
उदारीकरण के बाद विशेषकर इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मीडिया में बड़े पैमाने पर पूंजी निवेश हुआ और सरकारी एकाधिकार टूटा। इसने प्रचार को उद्योग में बदल दिया और पैसे के खेल ने नया ही रूप धारण कर लिया। विज्ञापन तो विज्ञापन, समाचारों तक के पैकेज, चाहे अखबारों में हों या टीवी चैनलों में, बिकने लगे और आज भी यह बिक्री यथावत जारी है।
पर अफसोस की बात यह है कि चुनाव प्रणाली में सुधार और मीडिया में बढ़ती एकाधिकारवादी प्रवृत्तियों को रोकने की दिशा में किसी भी सरकार ने सिवाय जबानी जमा-खर्च के कुछ नहीं किया। चुनावों में लगने वाले पैसे को लेकर जो नियम बने हैं वे मखौल हैं। मीडिया को दिए जाने वाले विज्ञापनों को लेकर भी इसी तरह का हाल रहा है। उम्मीदवार किस तरह से चुनाव संहिता के तहत निर्धारित सीमा से अधिक पैसा खर्च कर मीडिया को खरीदते हैं और नियमों को धत्ता बताते हैं इसका उदाहरण महाराष्ट्र के पूर्व उप मुख्यमंत्री अजित पवार का है जिनके खिलाफ अकाट्य प्रमाण होने के बावजूद आज तक कुछ नहीं हो पाया है।
जहां तक यूपीए सरकार का सवाल है, वह दूसरी पारी इसलिए खेल सकी क्योंकि उसने अपनी नीतियों को कमोबेश जनोन्मुखी रखा। जैसा कि विदित है तब यूपीए को असली समर्थन निचले तबके के लोगों का ही मिला था। उसकी हार का कारण भी जनविरोधी आर्थिक नीतियां ही रही हैं।
बड़ी पूंजी का युग
सन् 2014 के चुनाव इस मामले में महत्त्वपूर्ण हैं कि वे बड़ी पूंजी की भूमिका को निर्णायक रूप से स्थापित कर देते हैं। अब तक राजनीतिक दलों को ऐसे नेतृत्व की जरूरत पड़ने लगी है जो लोकप्रिय के अलावा पार्टी के लिए पैसा भी जुटा सकें। यानी पूंजीपतियों को अपने पक्ष में ला सकें। पिछला चुनाव भारतीय लोकतंत्र के इतिहास में सबसे मंहगा चुनाव है। यह अचानक नहीं है कि भाजपा ने अपने नेतृत्व के लिए उस व्यक्ति को नहीं चुना जो एक मामले में पार्टी के पुनर्जन्म के लिए जिम्मेदार है, बल्कि जिस तरह से आडवाणी को किनारे किया गया उससे स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि वह पूंजीपतियों को अपने पक्ष में नहीं जुटा पाए। या पूंजीपतियों ने भाजपा को ऐसा व्यक्ति चुनने को मजबूर किया जिसे वे ज्यादा उपयोगी मानते थे। दूसरे शब्दों में वे अपने निवेश पर ज्यादा से ज्यादा लाभ सुनिश्चित कराने वाले के साथ गए। अब वसूली का समय है।
हाई टेक माध्यमों से लेकर सोशल मीडिया, इलेक्ट्रॉनिक और प्रिंट मीडिया का मोदी के पक्ष में जिस तरह से इस्तेमाल किया गया उसने कांग्रेस को ही स्तब्ध कर दिया। इसके अलावा नरेंद्र मोदी को, जो गोधरा हत्याकांड के बाद सर्वाधिक दागी नेताओं में से थे, उसी मीडिया ने, जो उन्हें रात दिन कोसता नहीं थक रहा था, खुला समर्थन दिया। यह मालिकों की मर्जी के बिना नहीं हो सकता था। समर्थन का यह सिलसिला सत्ता में आने के बाद भी नरेंद्र मोदी के पक्ष में कमोबेश पूरे वर्ष जारी रहा है। पर अब लगता है स्थितियां बदलने लगी हैं।
इसका बड़ा कारण भाजपा के आंतरिक असंतोष और कलह के अलावा पूंजीपतियों की बेचैनी है जो अपने 'सुधारवादी'एजेंडे को जल्दी से जल्दी यथार्थ में परिणित होते देखना चाहते हैं। पर कहने और करने में क्या अंतर होता है यह मोदी विदेशों में छिपे काले धन को लाने के मामले में मुंह की खाने के बाद अच्छी तरह सीख गए लगते हैं। साफ बात यह है कि आर्थिक नीतियों में कोई भी ऐसा परिवर्तन जो बड़े पैमाने पर उथल पुथल मचा दे, लेना नरेंद्र मोदी और उनकी पार्टी के लिए आत्मघाती साबित होगा। इस तरह का एक सुधार भूमि अधिग्रहण को लेकर है जो उनके गले की हड्डी बन चुका है।
चुनाव और पैसे का इतिहास
पर पूंजी और राजनीति के संबंधों की दुनिया में नरेंद्र मोदी विशिष्ट जरूर हैं लेकिन अकेले नहीं हैं। चुनाव के लिए पैसा इक_ा करने के मामले में ललित नारायण मिश्र से लेकर शरद पवार तक एक लंबी सूची रही है। फंड जमा करना ऐसी मजबूरी रही है जिसके लिए राजनीतिक नेता निजी तौर पर भी किसी न किसी ऐसे माध्यम की तलाश में रहते हैं जो उन्हें लगातार पैसे उपलब्ध करवा सके। वसुंधरा राजे का ललित मोदी (लमो) की चपेट में आना काफी हद तक इसी से जुड़ा है।
सहकारी संघों से लेकर खेल संघों तक पर नियंत्रण के लिए नेताओं के बीच की मारामारी इस बीमारी का महामारी के रूप में फूटना है। इस पृष्ठभूमि में ललित मोदी का उदय और उनके द्वारा क्रिकेट के खेल का इंडियन प्रीमियर लीग (आइपीएल) के रूप में एक जबर्दस्त व्यापारिक उपक्रम बना देना खेल संगठनों और नेताओं के बीच के गठबंधन को नए आयाम देने जैसा था। संयोग देखिए लमो को क्रिकेट के राष्ट्रीय मानचित्र पर स्थापित करने वाला और कोई नहीं स्वयं वसुंधरा राजे ही थीं और यही संबंध आज उनके लिए ऐसा जाल बन गया लगता है जिससे आसानी से निकलना संभव नहीं हो पाएगा क्योंकि यह संबंध इस बात का भी संकेत करता है कि राजस्थान की तत्कालीन मुख्यमंत्री ने लमो को रातों-रात राजस्थान क्रिकेट का अध्यक्ष यों ही नहीं बनाया था। यह स्पष्ट लेन-देन का मामला था। राजे के बेटे दुष्यंत सिंह की कंपनी में दस रुपए के शेयरों को एक लाख में यों ही नहीं खरीदा गया। इसी चक्कर के दूसरे छोर पर सुषमा स्वराज फंसी हैं, जिन्होंने ब्रितानवी सरकार से मोदी के पासपोर्ट के मामले में सिफारिश की। स्वराज के बारे में कहा जा रहा है कि उनका राजनीतिक जीवन साफ-सुथरा रहा है। पर खबरें बतला रही हैं कि लमो से उनके परिवार का पुराना संबंध है और उनके पति और बेटी लमो के वकीलों के दल में हैं। फेमा के तहत लमो पर चार मामलों में आरोप हैं और इसमें कुल राशि 1,976 करोड़ रुपए की बतलाई जाती है। जिस व्यक्ति पर इतनी बड़ी राशि के घोटाले और हवाला का आरोप हो उसी की देश का विदेश मंत्री सिफारिश करे, क्या यह सामान्य बातहो सकती है?
आईपीएल की रचना ललित मोदी की मौलिक खोज नहीं बल्कि पश्चिमी दुनिया से उठाया गया आइडिया था जहां पहले ही हर तरह के खेलों का व्यवसायिकीकरण हो चुका है। फिल्म और टेलीविजन की तरह ही खेल अब मनोरंजन व्यवसाय का महत्त्वपूर्ण हिस्सा है। पूंजीवादी व्यवस्था द्वारा नियोजित तरीके से नायक विहीन कर दी गई दुनिया को जो वैकल्पिक नायक दिए जा रहे हैं उनकी आपूर्ति इसी मनोरंजन की दुनिया से की जाती है। विशेषकर खिलाड़ी और खेलों को व्यक्ति की भावात्मकता के साथ देशभक्ति से किस तरह जोड़ा जाता है भारत-पाकिस्तान के बीच के क्रिकेट मैचों से समझा जा सकता है। जो भी हो खेल उदारीकृत पूंजीवादी दुनिया में पैसा कमाने के बड़े उपायों में से एक है।
क्रिकेट संघों के माध्यम से आईपीएल में बड़े पैमाने पर राजनीतिक नेता – शरद पवार, अरुण जेटली, राजीव शुक्ला, नरेंद्र मोदी, अमित शाह, प्रफुल्ल पटेल, अनुराग ठाकुर आदि – तो शामिल रहे ही हैं आईपीएल की सोने की मुर्गी में हिस्सेदारी के लालच में कई उद्योगपति भी इसमें कूद पड़े हैं जिनमें मुकेश अंबानी, विजय माल्या, श्रीनिवासन आदि हैं। आईपीएल पैसा कमाने का कितना आसान रास्ता है इसका उदाहरण इस पर चलने वाला सट्टा और मैच फिक्सिंग है। सच यह है कि इसी पैसे की लूट के चलते यह धंधा भी सामने आया है। हर ऐसा धंधा जो काला धन पर्याप्त मात्रा में पैदा करता हो आदर्शों का ढोंग खड़ा करने वाली वर्तमान राजनीति के लिए सबसे मुफीद माध्यम साबित होता है। मजेदार यह है कि लमो जी अंतत: इसी चक्कर में फंसे हुए हैं।
संयोग यह है कि हमारे देश में पूंजीवाद का हर नया कदम संकट का एक विशिष्ट आयाम सामाने लाता है। खेल का वाणिज्यकीकरण इसी का नवीनतम अध्याय है। विडंबना देखिए कि इन्हीं पूंजीवादी नई ताकतों ने, भ्रष्ट और वंशानुगत राजनीति करने वाली कांग्रेस के विकल्प के तौर पर प्रस्तुत किए गए नेतृत्व की कलई एक ही साल में खोल कर रख दी है।
नरेंद्र मोदी आज जिस संकट का सामना कर रहे हैं वह उन्हें दो तरह से कमजोर कर रहा है। पहला है उनकी नैतिक होने की छवि को ध्वस्त करके। मसला सिर्फ वसुंधरा राजे के खिलाफ कार्रवाई का ही नहीं है। वह सुषमा स्वराज का क्या करेंगे, जिनका पूरा परिवार लमो का दशकों से मित्र है। आखिर एक 'भगोड़ाÓ देश के विदेश मंत्री तक यों ही तो नहीं पहुंचा है? इसी तरह का मसला महाराष्ट्र का भी है जहां नरेंद्र मोदी का बैठाया हुआ मुख्यमंत्री अपनी तरह के संकट का सामना कर रहा है। सवाल है, क्या वह पंकजा मुंडे के खिलाफ कोई कार्रवाई कर पाएगा? नहीं कर पाएगा तो क्या इसका ठीकरा भी नमो के सिर नहीं फूटेगा? इस बीच भाजपा शासित मध्यप्रदेश में व्यापमं के कारण जो तांडव मचा हुआ है उसका क्या होगा? नवीनतम खबरों के मुताबिक इससे जुड़े 43 लोगों की रहस्यमय हालातों में मौत हो चुकी है। हम फिलहाल मोदी के नवरत्नों में एक एम्स-फेम के स्वास्थ्य मंत्री जगत प्रकाश नड्डा की तो बात ही नहीं कर रहे हैं।
और भी बड़ा सवाल यह है कि जिन पूंजीपतियों ने नमो पर दांव लगाया है वे कितना समय और देंगे? उद्योग जगत लगातार तरह-तरह की बातों से यह कहने लगा है कि वह अपेक्षित गति से सुधार नहीं कर पा रहे हैं। (क्या दीपक पारीख याद हैं!) पूंजीपतियों का मोदी को लेकर कितना धैर्य और बना रहेगा इसे भी सामने आने में देर नहीं लगने वाली है। इस संदर्भ में भूमि अधिग्रहण और श्रम कानूनों में वांछित परिवर्तन उनकी निर्णायक कसौटी साबित होने वाले हैं। स्वयं संघ के कई संगठन भी, जिनमें स्वदेशी जागरण मंच और भारतीय मजदूर संघ शामिल हैं, किसी भी परिर्वतन के विरोध में खुलकर सामने आ चुके हैं। इससे आगे के पेजों को देखने लिये क्लिक करें NotNul.com
Teesta Setalvad explains her expenses ‘again’, says she is not tired to fight Zakia Jafri Case
Teesta Setalvad explains her expenses 'again', says she is not tired to fight Zakia Jafri Case
PPT for Court [Compatibility Mode]
Concerning the allegations of embezzlement of funds by Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand by the Gujarat police, presented below are some facts about her organizations and her work-
1) CITIZENS FOR JUSTICE AND PEACE:
Primary Activity: Legal Aid to victims of mass crimes (communalism, terrorism)
- Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) was formed in April 2002 by 11 prominent, law-abiding Mumbaikars, each one of whom had been individually and collectively engaged in building peace and seeking justice in the aftermath of the 1992-'93 communal violence in Mumbai. Noted playwright, late Vijay Tendulkar was the founding President of CJP and remained at that post till his sad demise in May 2008.
- Bearing in mind that the victims of the 1984 communal carnages in Delhi and in Mumbai in 1992-93 had been denied justice, the founding members of CJP resolved to focus their efforts in legal intervention in the courts to ensure Rule of Law and impartial policing. Members of CJP had fought for communal harmony individually or as part of other organizations in past.
- The very first activity of CJP was to set-up a Citizens Tribunal headed by the late Justice VR Krishna Iyer, former justice of the Supreme Court of India. Other members of the Tribunal included former judge of the Supreme Court of India, Justice P. B. Sawant and former judge of the Bombay High Court, Justice Hosbet Suresh.
- After its 15-day long fact-finding visit to Gujarat, during which time several hundred people, including survivors of the violence and a minister in the Gujarat government, deposed before the Citizens Tribunal, it released its 3-volume report, 'Crime Against Humanity'. The major findings of the Citizens Tribunal were similar to the findings of the Union government appointed National Human Rights Commission (NHRC): complicity of the police and other state actors in the mass crimes. Both strongly recommended that in the interest of justice, the Supreme Court orders investigation of the crimes of 2002 by an independent agency from outside Gujarat.
- The reports and recommendations of the NHRC and the Citizens Tribunal have been, and continue to be, the basic reference points for CJP's legal aid and other activities since 2002.
- Given the context in which it was born, and the limited resources (human and financial) at CJP's disposal, justice for Gujarat has been the major focus of the Trust's activities. However, since 2002 CJP has been equally alive to its duty towards victims of mass crimes elsewhere as also in the context of natural disasters resulting in mass suffering. Supported by donations from citizens of Mumbai and elsewhere, CJP organized press conferences/public meetings, raised funds to extend solidarity and relief to the victims of: flash Floods (Maharashtra, July 2005); terror attack on Sankat Mochan Mandir (Varanasi, UP, March 2006): serial bomb blasts in suburban trains in Mumbai (July 2006), massacre of a Dalit family at Khairlanji (Maharashtra, September 2006), petitioned the Andhra High Court over attack on exiled Bangladeshi writer, Taslima Nasreen (August 2007); terror attack in Ahmedabad (July 2008); terror attack on Mumbai (November, 2008); communal violence (Dhule, Maharashtra, 2012); communal violence (Muzaffarnagar, UP, 2012).
- From its inception in April 2002 until March 2009, the activities of CJP were funded entirely through donations from individuals and organizations within India. CJP started receiving foreign donations only from March 2009 onwards after its FCRA registration. The most consistent and substantial foreign contribution to CJP since 2010 has been from the United Nations Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture (UNVFVT), administered by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Geneva. The annual grants received from UNVFVT are specifically earmarked for Legal Aid to victims of the 2002 communal violence in Gujarat.
From its inception till date, over 70% of the funds received by CJP (including foreign donations) have been raised by the trustees through personal contributions, donations from their family and friends, art auction.
- CJP's trustees have never been paid even a rupee by way of 'sitting fees' or any other remuneration. From 2002 till date, only Teesta Setalvad has been paid an average honorarium of around Rs. 16,000 p.m. as the chief executive of the UNVFVT funded Legal Aid project. This payment has been in accordance with the budget sanctioned by UNVFVT.
- It would not have been possible for CJP to pursue legal cases (in all 68 cases till date) but for the fact that top Supreme Court and Bombay High Court lawyers such as Mr. Kapil Sibal, Mr. Harish Salve, Mr. Anil Divan, Mr. P. R. Rao, Mr. M. S. Ganesh, Mr. Shanti Bhushan, Ms. Kamini Jaiswal, Mr. Sanjay Parikh, Mr. Aspi Chinoy, Mr. Navroze Seervai have offered their legal services pro bono (no fees charged).
–Between 2003 and 2013 the accounts of CJP have been audited annually by a top auditing firm, Messrs. Haribhakti & Co. The current auditors of CJP are an equally reputed firm, Messrs. Sharp & Tannon. In March 2014, the Crime Branch, Ahmedabad police, wrote to Messrs. Haribhakti & Co. seeking the auditor's responses to specific allegations of misappropriation of CJP's funds by Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand. Following a re-verification of CJP's accounts in which its trustees extended full co-operation to the auditors, Haribhakti & Co. reported to the Crime Branch that it had not come across any financial irregularities as alleged by the Gujarat police and that no expenses of a personal nature incurred through their personal credit cards were charged to CJP by Teesta Setalvad or Javed Anand.
CJP has fully co-operated with the Gujarat police in its investigations into the alleged misappropriation of funds by Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand. In addition to documentary evidence annexed to affidavits running into over 1,500 pages submitted to the Gujarat High Court, it has provided over 11,000 pages of cash voucher payments made by CJP and Sabrang Trust (please see below) between 2006 and 2013 to the Crime Branch, Ahmedabad police. In spite of all this, through illegal instructions to the banks, the accounts bank accounts of CJP and Sabrang Trust have been frozen for the last 13 months.
- CJP's trustees are active participants in all decision making as regards the activities undertaken from time to time, sanctioning of budgets, authorization of payments. It is incorrect to allege that Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand have acted at any time without the knowledge and consent of the other trustees.
- The current trustees of CJP are: Anil Dharker (President), Nandan Maluste (Vice-President), I.M. Kadri, Cyrus Guzder, Alyque Padamsee, Rahul Bose, Cedric Prakash, Shakuntala Kulkarni, Gulam Peshimam, Teesta Setalvad (Secretary), Javed Anand (Financial Officer).
2) SABRANG TRUST
Primary Activity: School Education for a Plural India; Information documentation and dissemination; Advocacy.
- Though formed in 1995, owing to financial constraints, Sabrang Trust has been engaged in significant activities only from 2003 onwards. The major activity of the Trust since then has been running an innovative educational programme (KHOJ-Education for a Plural India) in Municipal Corporation and Zilla Parishad run schools in Mumbai, Thane, Kalyan, Bhiwandi, Nandurbar. Between 2003 and 2009, the KHOJ programme was funded almost entirely by the well-known NGO, Child Rights and You (CRY). The same project was supported by a grant from the HRD Ministry from February 2011 till March 2014. The project is presently continuing with donations from individuals within India.
- The KHOJ project has been well received within India and internationally. Teesta Setalvad, Project Director, has since 2004 been a member of the Central Advisory Board for Education (CABE). CABE is the most important advisory body of the Union government for education.
- The other major activity of Sabrang Trust has comprised of information documentation and dissemination and advocacy work, the primary focus being on celebration and promotion of constitutional values (diversity, pluralism, communal amity, rule of law, impartial policing, accountability of state actors) and combating religious intolerance, hate propaganda, communal violence, terrorism. This project was funded by Ford Foundation, between October 2009 and March 2013.
- Between 2003 and 2014, Teesta Setalvad received an average of Rs.39,000 p.m. as salary/honorarium as remuneration for execution of specific projects of Citizens for Justice and Peace AND Sabrang Trust funded by different donor agencies. During the same period, Javed Anand received an average of Rs. 23,500 p.m. as salary/honorarium as remuneration for execution of specific projects of Citizens for Justice and Peace AND Sabrang Trust funded by different donor agencies.
- Since the massacre of 69 persons on February 28, 2002, the residents of Gulberg Housing Society, Ahmedabad have been living elsewhere and wished to sell off their individual flats/bungalows. As they were being offered prices well below the market prices, in 2007-08 Sabrang Trust mooted the idea of raising funds to buy the properties and set up a 'Memorial' to all victims of communal violence at Gulberg Society. Unfortunately, by 2012 the Trust was only able to raise Rs. 4.6 lakh while the fair price of the properties at Gulberg Society in 2007-08 was estimated at around Rs. 3-4 crore. In view of the gross inadequacy of funds raised, in November 2012, Sabrang communicated to the Gulberg Society its inability to proceed with the proposed Memorial. The office bearers of the society informed its members accordingly, asking them to dispose of their property as they thought fit. At no point was any of the property handed over to Sabrang Trust. The earmarked funds for the proposed Memorial are still lying untouched in the Trust's bank account.
- As in case of CJP, following re-verification of the accounts of Sabrang Trust, the auditors, D. M. Sathe & Co. have also reported back to the Crime Branch that they have not found any financial irregularities and that no expenses of a personal nature incurred through their personal credit cards were charged to Sabrang Trust by Teesta Setalvad or Javed Anand.
The current trustees of Sabrang Trust are: Ravi Kulkarni (solicitor), Nakul Mehta (businessman), Amili Setalvad, Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand.
दवा-दारू-दंगा-देशद्रोह (चच्चा और बच्चा – भाग 1)
दवा-दारू-दंगा-देशद्रोह (चच्चा और बच्चा – भाग 1)
उत्तर प्रदेश में कहीं फ़ैज़ाबाद-लखनऊ के पास गांव और शहर की सीमा पर किसी चाय की दुकान पर चच्चा और बच्चा बैठे हैं, हाथ में आज का अख़बार है…पहले पन्ने पर बाईं ओर तीस्ता सेतलवाड़ की तस्वीर के साथ एक ख़बर है, जिसे आप भी तस्वीर में देख लीजिएगा…बस चच्चा और बच्चा में बहस शुरु हो जाती है…और बहस में तो जीत धर्म की ही होनी है…
बच्चा – आंखें भीग गई देख कर कि गुजरात पुलिस को वाकई दंगा पीड़ितों की कितनी चिंता है…!!! वो तो बस रास्ते में जाम लगा होने के कारण 3 दिन तक दंगा प्रभावित इलाकों में नही जा सकी थी..
कैसे कोई उम्मीद करें कि सूअर बाड़े के फैसले से हम जमीन बचा लेंगे अपनी? जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते हम तो चले बिकने बाजार लेकिन कोई खरीददार नहीं बूढ़ा तोता क्योंकि राम राम कहना सीखता नहीं नगाड़े खामोश हैं,नौटंकी लेकिन चालू है जहां नौटंकी नहीं,नगाडो़ं की गूंज वहीं क्योंकि जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते फिरभी हकीकत यह भी है कि कातिलों के बाजुओं में उतना भी दम नहीं कि जनता बागी हो जाये और सर कटाते हुजूम के आगे गिलोटिन ही गिलोटिन का कारवां हो।जलजला जब आयेगा आखिरकार,तब गिलोटिन के सर बदल जायेंगे।हालांकि वह दिन देखने हम जिंदा नहीं बचेंगे यकीनन। पलाश विश्वास
कैसे कोई उम्मीद करें कि सूअर बाड़े के फैसले से हम जमीन बचा लेंगे अपनी?
जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते
हम तो चले बिकने बाजार लेकिन कोई खरीददार नहीं
बूढ़ा तोता क्योंकि राम राम कहना सीखता नहीं
नगाड़े खामोश हैं,नौटंकी लेकिन चालू है
जहां नौटंकी नहीं,नगाडो़ं की गूंज वहीं क्योंकि
जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते
फिरभी हकीकत यह भी है कि कातिलों के बाजुओं में उतना भी दम नहीं कि जनता बागी हो जाये और सर कटाते हुजूम के आगे गिलोटिन ही गिलोटिन का कारवां हो।जलजला जब आयेगा आखिरकार,तब गिलोटिन के सर बदल जायेंगे।हालांकि वह दिन देखने हम जिंदा नहीं बचेंगे यकीनन।
पलाश विश्वास
और तब पिताजी के नानाजी बोले,तुम जैसे किसानों,तुम जैसे मेहनतकशों के मुकाबले ये बनैले सूअर भी बेहतर।
इस सूअरबाड़े में लेकिन असली सूअर भी कोई नहीं है।
ऐसा सूअर जो हमारे लिए खेत जोत दें।
कैसे कोई उम्मीद करें कि सूअर बाड़े के फैसले से हम जमीन बचा लेंगे अपनी?
हमारी हजारों पुश्तें जमीन के हक हकूक के लिए वैदिकी हिंसा के तहत अश्वमेध और राजसूय में मारे गये।सूचाग्र जमीन न देने के दुर्योधन के इंकार से पूरा एक महाभारत मुकम्मल है।
जमीन के लिए फर्जीवाड़ वास्ते निजी कंपनियों के हवाले हमारा वजूद और हमें खुशफहमी है अब भी कि जमीन की कोई लड़ाई जमीन पर लड़े बिना हम अपनी अपनी जमीन बचा लेंगे मुक्तबाजारी स्मार्ट बुलेट सुनामी से,हमारी बुरबकई का कोई इंतहा दरअसल है ही नहीं कि डिजिटल इंडिया में हमारा कोई ख्वाब है ही नहीं।सोच भी रेडीमेड है और विचार भी रेडीमेड।हम कबंध क्लोन हैं।
सर जो है ही नहीं,उसे कटाने की बात करना जाहिर है,फिजूल है।हामरा महजबीं आसमान में तन्हा तन्हा और हमारी औकात किसी उड़ान की इजाजत देता नहीं है और न हम पिंजड़े से बाहर तौल सके हैं अपने डैनों की ताकत कि ख्वाब हमारे परिंदे हरगिज नहीं है।जमीन पर दावानल है।
सारे जंगल में लगी है आग।वह भी तेलकुंओं की आग।जंगल की औकात क्या समुंदर भी जलने लगा है।इस जमाने में न मुहब्बत कहीं होती है और न कोई महजबीं आसमान तोड़कर बरसात बहार या हिमपात में जमीन पर आती हैं कि हम बाबुलंद गा सकें कि बहारों फूल बरसाओ कि हमारा महबूब आया है।
माफ करना किस्सा के बिना बात अपनी पूरी होती नहीं है।किस्सागो तो देहात देस का हरशख्स है,जिसे मुकम्मल जहां की बात दूर दो रोटी भी मयस्सर नहीं और पेट में जब तितलियां तो खेत खलिहान जल रहे होते हैं।नसों में बदतमीज वह खून भी नहीं यारों कि अपनी प्यासी जमीन को सींच सकें।
जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते
हम तो चले बिकने बाजार लेकिन कोई खरीददार नहीं
बूढ़ा तोता क्योंकि राम राम कहना सीखता नहीं
नगाड़े खामोश हैं,नौटंकी लेकिन चालू है
जहां नौटंकी नहीं,नगाडो़ं की गूंज वहीं क्योंकि
जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते
मुक्त बाजार में कोई सूरत नहीं है कि कोई जल जंगल जमीनका अपना हिस्सा बचा लें।उंगलियों की छाप निजी कंपनियों के हवाले करके बेदखली का चाक चौबंद इंतजाम हमने कर लिया है और सर कटाने के सिवाय कोई चारा बचा नहीं है।
फिरभी हकीकत यह भी है कि कातिलों के बाजुओं में उतना भी दम नहीं कि जनता बागी हो जाये और सर कटाते हुजूम के आगे गिलोटिन ही गिलोटिन का कारवां हो।जलजला जब आयेगा आखिरकार,तब गिलोटिन के सर बदल जायेंगे।हालांकि वह दिन देखने हम जिंदा नहीं बचेंगे यकीनन।
फिलहाल मंजर वही है जो हमारे गुरुजी ताराचंद्र त्रिपाठी ने लिक्खा हैः
जब भी मैं अपने देश के बारे में सोचता हूँ, मुझे भारत माता तो नहीं, गिद्धों, सियारों, भेड़ियों और मूषकों द्वारा अनवरत नोची जाती हुई अधमरी भैंस नजर आती है
TaraChandra Tripathi
जब भी मैं अपने देश के बारे में सोचता हूँ, मुझे भारत माता तो नहीं, गिद्धों, सियारों, भेड़ियों और मूषकों द्वारा अनवरत नोची जाती हुई अधमरी भैंस नजर आती है। जब मैं अपने तथा अपने जैसे वरिष्ठ नागरिकों के बारे में विचार करता हूँ तो मुझे एक अदद भीष्म पितामह दिखाई देते है। अंधे धृतराष्ट्र के दरबार में नाती पोते घर, राज्य और परंपरा और अपना सब कुछ सब कुछ की उजाड़ देने हद तक एक जुआ खेल रहे है, पौत्रवधू को भी दाव पर लगाया जा रहा है, उसे नंगा किया जा रहा है, पर महाबली होने का दंभ भरने वाले पितामह चुपचाप सिर झुकाए बैठे हैं।
मन करता है कि अपने और अपने जैसे हजारों-हजार पितामहों से चिल्ला कर कहूँ, अरे जामवन्तो! समुद्र पार करने की तुम्हारी सामर्थ्य न भी रह गयी हो, (वैसे अपनी जवानी में भी थी क्या?) कम से हनुमानों को हुलने की कोशिश तो कर सकते हो!।
आज सविता बाबू के मुखातिब हो गया,मोबाइल पर बिना इंटरनेट आ धमके अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति का ट्वीट लेकर कि हम कितने पहुंचे हुए हैं कि बाराक भइया भी याद करै हैं।उनके अश्वेत राष्ट्रपति पहली दफा बनने से पहले अपने ब्लागों के जरिये तमाम विजेट लगाकर उनके हक में दुनियाभर के लोगों के साथ हमने भी मुहिम चलायी थी,सविता को मालूम है।हमें उम्मीद थी कि वे हमें अब भाव देंगी कि व्हाइट हाउस से सीधे संदेशा है।
संदेश यह इमिग्रेशन कानून पास न कराने की मजबूरी को लेकर थी और बाराक भइया की दलील है कि वे कानून पास नहीं कर पा रहे हैं जबकि इस कानून से अमेरिकी अर्थ व्यवस्था के दिन बहुरेंगे और अच्छे दिन आयेंगे।
हम बोले कि बाराक भइया हमें अमेरिका को बुलाना चाहते हैं और मजबूर है कि विरोधियों के चलते बुला नहीं सकते।
सविता बाबू ने फटाक से कह दिया कि हम तो 128 करोड़ हैं,जरा हिसाब लगाओ किबाराक भइया का संदेशा कितनों के पास आवै हैं और व्हाइट हाउस से बुलावा कितनों को आया है।
इस देश में अब जाहिर है कि औरतों को झांसा देना मुश्किल है।
हार न मानते हुए हम बोले कि तुम तो भाव दे नहीं रही हो।
वे बोली कि देशी बाजार में अपना भाव बताइये।
दफ्तर पहुंचा तो गम गलत करने के इरादे से साथियों को आपबीती सुनाकर अर्ज किया,यार,हम तो बिकने को हैं तैयार कोई बाव नहीं देता है,कोई नहीं खरीददार।वे अलग ही लोग हैं जो बाजार में सरेआम बेशकीमत भाव बिक जाते हैं।
फिर अर्ज किया कि बंगाल छोड़ना है और दीदी ने भी अभीतक कोई संदेशा भेजा नहीं है।न अखिलेश भइया और डिंपल भाभी केयहां पहुंच है और न हमें हरीश रावत पूछते हैं।
इस पर संवेदनशील कवि ने कह दिया कि क्यों हम हम बक रहे हो,बिकने को तैयारतो तुम हो,हम नहीं यकीनन।
चलिये,शुकुन मिला जो सरेआम कोई कहता हो कि हम नहीं बिकेंगे यकीनन।वरना जमाना तो बिकने का है।
हमारे गुरु जी ताराचंद्र त्रिपाठी हमारे जीआईसी के दिनों में कहा करते थे कि हर कोई बिकता है,जो नहीं बिका वह भी बिकाऊ है।कुछ मौके की बात होती है तो कुछ बेहतर बाव की गरज होती है।
तबसे लेकर देख रहा हूं कि हर अनबंधी नदी जैसे बंध गयी है,वैसे ही हर शख्स जो अनबिका है,कैसे झट से बिक रहा है और खास तकलीफ यह है कि हम जो बिकने को तैयार है,हमें कोई खरीद नहीं रहा है उतने मंहगे भी नहीं ठहरे हम।बस,कुछ बुनियादी जरुरतें हैं,कुछ मजबूरियां है,कुछ अनसुलझे मसले हैं।मसलन जैसे सर पर छत नहीं है।फिलहाल रोजगार है,फिर रोजगार नहीं है।
जाहिर सी बात है कि हर किसी को कोई खरीदता नहीं है।
चेहरा दमकता होना चाहिए।
हो सकें तो उभयलिंगी होना चाहिए।
शीमेल तो बहुत बेहतर।
फिर सेनसेक्स की तरह सेक्सी भी होना चाहिए।
फिर भी ताज्जुब ही है कि धड़ाधड़ बिक रहे हैं लोग।
देश बेचो ब्रिगेड के पास इफरात डालर है।
उनके मजहब में भी डालर की गूंज है।
जो सामने बिकने से परहेज करै हैं वे भीतरखाने बिके हुए है।
मिलियन बिलियन डालर का राज यही है।
मिलियम बिलियन ट्रिलियन डालर काराजकाज यही है।
अर्थव्यवस्था वहीं सबसे बड़ी,जिसमें महाजनी पूंजी अबाध है।कालाधन का बहाव अबाध है।भ्रष्टाचार अबाध है।फासिज्म अबाध है तो कत्लेाम भी अबाध और बेदखली का इंतजाम भी चाकचौबंद।
फिरभी बलिहारी कि सूअरबाड़े की नौटंकी की धूम है इनदिनों।
दनादवन दनादन ट्वीट हैं रंगबिरंगे और अब फेसबुक भी सिम पर।सिम सिम खुलजा माहौल है लेकिन हर कोई अलीबाबा नहीं है।
हम मोबाइल पर अच्छे दिनों का संदेश है।डिजिटल रोबोटिक हुआ बिका हुआ देश है और हम बिके अनबिके भी बिके हुए हैं आखिर।
अब तो बाराक भइया भी पास हैं।एनी बाडी कैन डांस,आगेका कहे कि साला कि दुसाला कि महज भइया।
माफ करना किस्सा के बिना बात अपनी पूरी होती नहीं है।किस्सागो तो देहात देस का हरशख्स है,जिसे मुकम्मल जहां की बात दूर दो रोटी भी मयस्सर नहीं और पेट में जब तितलियां तो खेत खलिहान जल रहे होते हैं।नसों में बदतमीज वह खून भी नहीं यारों कि अपनी प्यासी जमीन को सींच सकें।
जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते
हम तो चले बिकने बाजार लेकिन कोई खरीददार नहीं
बूढ़ा तोता क्योंकि राम राम कहना सीखता नहीं
नगाड़े खामोश हैं,नौटंकी लेकिन चालू है
जहां नौटंकी नहीं,नगाडो़ं की गूंज वहीं क्योंकि
जमीन को भी चाहिए खून अपनी हिफाजत के वास्ते
मुक्त बाजार में कोई सूरत नहीं है कि कोई जल जंगल जमीनका अपना हिस्सा बचा लें।उंगलियों की छाप निजी कंपनियों के हवाले करके बेदखली का चाक चौबंद इंतजाम हमने कर लिया है और सर कटाने के सिवाय कोई चारा बचा नहीं है।
फिरभी हकीकत यह भी है कि कातिलों के बाजुओं में उतना भी दम नहीं कि जनता बागी हो जाये और सर कटाते हुजूम के आगे गिलोटिन ही गिलोटिन का कारवां हो।जलजला जब आयेगा आखिरकार,तब गिलोटिन के सर बदल जायेंगे।हालांकि वह दिन देखने हम जिंदा नहीं बचेंगे यकीनन।
Get your own FREE website, FREE domain & FREE mobile app with Company email. | Know More > |