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This is my Real Life Story: Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams. It is hightime that I should share my life with you all. So that something may be done to save this Galaxy. Please write to: bangasanskriti.sahityasammilani@gmail.comThis Blog is all about Black Untouchables,Indigenous, Aboriginal People worldwide, Refugees, Persecuted nationalities, Minorities and golbal RESISTANCE.

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    Farmers' Suicides: Loans and social vices biggest killers
    What is clear from the studies is that the loans and social vices are the biggest factors in the high suicide rates among farmers. If these are the major factors, they should have attracted the major attention as well…Banking sector too hurts more than it helps. The very idea of providing easy loans is bad. By providing loans, even the future incomes of the people are taken control of, and this money ultimately flows in the big market.
    Dr. Javed Jamil
    Everybody talks of famers' suicides. Nobody talks about the real reasons. Ganjendra's death in the AAP rally is not forcing the analysts to analyse what makes farmers kill themselves. They are instead busy in holding one party or the other responsible for the death. BJP refuses to admit the fact that the farmer belonged to Rajasthan where its government was in force, and the law and order is the primary responsibility of the police (again in the hands of BJP government at the Centre) and not that of the group holding a rally. AAP refuses to admit their folly in continuing with the rally even after the tragedy.
    What requires attention however is that if farmers commit suicides in such big numbers --- about 300000 in last 20 years—the reasons have to be found and the solutions planned accordingly. Several studies have attempted to find out the reasons with two major theories. According to a study conducted by Arvind Panagarya, the reasons are as listed in the following table:
    Reasons for farm suicides.
    (in 2002)
    (of suicides)
    Habits like drinking, gambling, etc.
    Failure of crops
    Other reasons (e.g. chit fund)
    Family problems with spouse, others
    Chronic illness
    Marriage of daughters
    Political affiliation
    Property disputes
    Debt burden
    Price crash
    Borrowing too much (e.g. for house construction)
    Losses in non-farm activities
    Failure of bore well
    According to Dongre and Deshmukh, (Farmers' suicides in the Vidarbha region of Maharashtra, India: a qualitative exploration of their causes), the reasons in order of importance behind farmer suicides were – debt, alcohol addiction, environment, low produce prices, stress and family responsibilities, apathy, poor irrigation, increased cost of cultivation, private money lenders, use of chemical fertilizers and crop failure. According to another study GM crops were especially responsible as the loans taken for these crops involve huge risks.
    What is clear from the studies is that the loans and social vices are the biggest factors in the high suicide rates among farmers. If these are the major factors, they should have attracted the major attention as well. But again, I am tired of telling it almost every day, all these relate to dominance of the forces of economic fundamentalism. Of course, the corporates are the most lethal forms of the economic fundamentalists, but there are others as well. Banking sector too hurts more than it helps. The very idea of providing easy loans is bad. By providing loans, even the future incomes of the people are taken control of, and this money ultimately flows in the big market. People tend to take loans even where heavy risks are involved. I have been arguing since I authored "The Devil of Economic Fundamentalism" that the banks in the modern world have been created by the economic fundamentalists to facilitate the flow of money from the less-moneyed to the more-moneyed. I have also been arguing with my Islamic proponents of Islamic Banking that "Islamic" Banking is little Islam and more banking. While Islamic Banks are better than the traditional banks in many ways, they too do not reverse the flow of money. What Islam's ban on "Interest" implies in essence is not only that interest should not be charged on loans but also that loans should be avoided except for emergencies. But unfortunately, in today's world dominated by the market forces, loans have become one of the major money spinners, of course at the cost of the poor people. The very idea of giving easy loans has to be revisited afresh, and loans to the poor should be given only for purposes where risks are minimal.
    Alcohol and gambling of course remain the major reasons of all forms of suicides, not just the suicides of farmers. Alcohol, in addition, is the major factor in deaths due to road accidents, and is also associated with the spread of killer diseases like AIDS. But these again are the leading markets, with bars and casinos mushrooming in every single part of the country. And the market-controlled media, educational institutions, NGOs and government departments would not be allowed to discuss these. Even if there is a discussion, it would in all probability focus not on the problem itself but only on how the adverse effects can be managed.
    The current political dispensation in the country takes pride in its affiliations with religion and culture. But unfortunately, they have become a corporate government more than a moral government. Religion to them does not mean the supremacy of moral, family and social values prescribed by religion, but hatred based on religious identity. If they can revisit their strategy, and take a bold stand against social vices, almost all the religious communities of the country, which means more than 95 pc of the people, will be standing behind them. But unfortunately, they stand for the rest 5 per cent.
    •  Dr Javed Jamil is India based thinker and writer with over a dozen books including his latest, "Quranic Paradigms of Sciences & Society" (First Vol: Health), "Muslims Most Civilised, Yet Not Enough" and "Muslim Vision of Secular India: Destination & Road-map". Other works include "The Devil of Economic Fundamentalism", "The Essence of the Divine Verses", "The Killer Sex", "Islam means Peace" and "Rediscovering the Universe". He can be contacted or 91-8130340339. 

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    RSS Hindutva network in Nepal has surfaced to make Nepal Hindu Rashtra yet again.Pl spare the Injured Himalayas and invoke not religious nationalism!
    Just feel the diplomatic war in the strategically all important and more important for the survival of environment and humanity!
    Palash Biswas
    Nepal Earthquake is a calamity faced by south Asian geopolitics and its suffering people across the border.Rescue operation is never enough in the Himalayan zone and media always focuses on urban centres and business places of religion and tourism,overlooking rest of the Hiamalays.It happened during Kedar Tsunami and it is happening now as we miss the scenario beyond kathmandu and have some glimpses around the Everest.We have no information about the remote areas.

    Mind you,as Indian states of UP ,Bihar and Bengal are badly affected and as we bear the burn of the injuries,Nepal to bear in deepest of its heart,during Kedar Tsunami Indo Nepal Border adjacent to Uttarakhand were very badly affected along with the demography all over each and every district in Uttarakhand and we still have not any details.Only the skeletons found after a long time around Kedar valley exposed the truth of the rescue and relief so much so hyped.

    I am no surprised to see the diplomatic war to get into the strategically most important Himalayan Zone with an incomplete mission to relaunch,revoke the dethroned Monastery and the Hindu Nation misusing the calamity.

    This mail which I share with you,points out the so called conversion campaign.We may not know the truth as yet.

    But the RSS Hindutva network in Nepal has surfaced to make Nepal Hindu Rashtra yet again.Mind you , having used the SAARC Summit to accomplish the Hindu Imperialist agenda in south Asia Narendra Bhai Modi has sent all the secretaries to Nepal which is not necessary as despite the calamity Nepal must not be intervened in governance as a sovereign and free nation which should be helped at this time.

    Before you read this mail,I want you to read RSS activities in Nepal.
    Apr 27 2015 : The Economic Times (Kolkata)
    Hosabele to Co-ordinate Relief Works Via Nepalese Wing of RSS
    Nistula Hebbar
    New Delhi:
    Our HSS volunteers have started work, says Vaidya
    Senior RSS office bearer, Dattatreya Hosabele, has left for Nepal to co-ordinate relief activities through the Nepalese wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ( R S S ) , k n ow n a s t h e H i n d u Swayamsewak Sangh (HSS).

    "There have been conflicting re ports that RSS has sent off its people to Nepal for relief work, that is not true. Our volunteers of HSS have started work, but they are Nepalese.It is a foreign country and we need to co-ordinate with the government of Nepal for any relief work through the RSS," said Sangh's Prachar Pramukh Manmohan Vaidya."Dattaji has gone to Nepal and he will co-ordinate what HSS needs to do, and whether it is alright with the government of Nepal, for us to send people from here," he added.

    He said that RSS shakhas outside of India were nomenclatured as the HSS, and that some volunteers from the Nepal wing had distributed dry food and water to those left stranded by the earthquakes. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been fair ly prompt in rescue and relief works in the past and it forms an important part of its activities as an organsiation. According to BJP VicePresident Vinay Sahasrabuddhe, RSS began its activities in rescue work after the 1979 cyclone in Andhra Pradesh, and Morvi floods in Gujarat after the Macchu Dam burst its walls, also in the same year.

    Just feel the deplomatic war in the strategically all important and more important for the survival of environment and humanity!
    Apr 27 2015 : The Economic Times (Kolkata)
    India Leads, China Steps In
    New Delhi
    Our Political Bureau
    RELIEF & RESCUE OPERATIONS IN NEIGHBOURHOOD Among other nations, Pakistan too has sent assistance teams to Kathmandu; United States pledges initial amount of $1 million for emergency help

    Over 2,000 dead; Friendly nations ask India to fly out their citizens from Nepal

    Even as India has embarked on one of its largest ever relief missions in the region by rushing massive aid to Nepal, China too is stepping in to help its Himalayan neighbour with Beijing sending in its first rescue team to Kathmandu on Sunday with the promise of more assistance in the future.

    While New Delhi was the first responde to the massive earthquake that has resulted in over 2,200 deaths in Nepal by deploying a C 130 J aircraft to send in a rescue team and conduct a reconnaissance mission to assess the dam age, a 68 member team from China landed on Sunday for rescue opera tions on board a special aircraft.

    Even as damage has been reported in Tibet where the death figures are believed to be 17 and rising, Beijing deployed its rescue team with sniffer dogs and rescue equipment to Kathmandu.According to reports from Beijing, four Chinese citizens, including a mountaineer have been killed in the Nepal quake. The Chinese team consists of at least 40 military personnel as well.

    "The Chinese government is mobilising emergency relief supplies which will be delivered to the disaster-hit area in Nepal very soon," Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hong Lei said in Beijing, adding that President Xi Jinping has sent messages of con dolence to his Nepalese counterparts.

    China has been increasing its relations with Kathmandu steadily and has emerged a big trading partner with Nepal. Several key infrastructure projects are being executed by Chinese companies and a plan to extend the Tibet rail network to Nepal has also been approved. This ambitious 540 km long rail project involves digging a tunnel under Mt Everest.

    Among other nations, Pakistan too has sent assistance teams to Kathmandu with two C 130 aircraft landing on Sunday with a medical team emergency supplies. The Pakistani team also consists of a 30-bed mobile hospital and two more C 130 aircraft are expected to be sent soon to the Himalayan nation. Sources said that India has meanwhile received requests from several friendly nations to fly out their citizens from Nepal and assist in search missions for the missing which are being positively addressed.

    Apr 27 2015 : The Economic Times (Kolkata)
    India at the Vanguard of Nepal Quake Relief
    New Delhi
    Our Political Bureau
    DISTRESSED International relief teams rush as Nepal declares a state of emergency after worst disaster in 80 years claim over 2,400 lives
    In one of its quickest and most extensive responses to an international emergency, India flew in rescue teams, medical supplies and relief material to Nepal where the death toll of the weekend's earthquake crossed 2,400 by Sunday night.

    The 7.9 quake that hit the Himalayan nation also left at least 62 people dead in India. Bihar reported 46 deaths and Uttar Pradesh 13.

    Reports from Kathmandu indicated a trail of destruction and harrowing time for its citizens.Bodies were still being pulled out from rubbles of collapse buildings, often with bare hands, and the city's hospitals were swamped with injured. Outside Kathmandu's medical college, a makeshift operation theater was set up in a tent to carry out emergency surgeries and doctors said there was a severe shortage of medical supplies. Rescue and relief work had to be stopped for a while on Sunday following a strong aftershock, which itself measured 6.7 and sent horrified people out into the streets.

    India was the first to send in aid, with supplies starting within hours of Saturday's killer quake.On Sunday, as many as 19 aircraft with relief material and rescue teams were sent. In its rescue efforts in Nepal, New Delhi has also upstaged China, which on Sunday sent in a rescue team with sniffer dogs and equipment.





    The Himalayan Voice
    Cambridge, Massachusetts
    United States of America
    Skype: thehimalayanvoice
    [THE HIMALAYAN VOICE does not endorse the opinions of the author or any opinions expressed on its pages. Articles and comments can be emailed to:, © Copyright The Himalayan Voice 2015]

    Evangelism is a 1 lakh Crore business in IndiaEvangelism is a 1 lakh Crore business in India
    26Apr 15
    Written by
    Published inSubversion

    Christian evangelical organisations work for conversion, not charity, suggested Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagvat in what became a raging controversy. He stands vindicated time and again with the acts of Soul Harvesters feasting upon the heathens with their book and their bigotry, the latest of which can be seen post Nepal disaster these days.

    The earthquake hit Nepal (and parts of Northern & Eastern India) yesterday at 11 and then past 12. The Government of India convened an emergency meet at 3pm, the entire rescue and disaster relief convoys were ready by evening and were dispatched within an hour of this meeting.  Rescue operations were on full swing by 6 in the evening. As a matter of fact, first batch of rescuees started arriving before midnight, thankful to the disaster management teams for their swift action. However, more swift than any government, were the soul harvesters, rejoicing at the opportunity to take Jesus to the unreached. Sources say, most of the 'western' civilians stuck in the Nepal Earthquake are evangelists who went there for a soul harvest.


    The bloke in the aforementioned tweet is saying that God brought this quake deliberately to further the cause of Christian mission. There are scores of missionary individuals as well as groups working day and night for converting the Nepalese.


    Complaining of their bigotry on any other day would itself be labelled a bigoted opinion had one not witnessed the sick alacrity with which the news of quake was shared among the greedy evangelists in India and abroad. Turns out Missionary Teresa was no exception but just another part of the conversion rule.
    There is no charity, there is no selfless service for an evangelist - it's all just preying upon the unsuspecting souls. They're like any sales company which has sales targets and the target groups to achieve that.

    Being the third world, the people in the Indian sub-continent more often that not are sold products rejected (sometimes, detested) already in the west. Not to digress into parallels, Evangelical Christianity (as opposed to the simple teachings of love) is one such product which is being shoved down the sub-continent in pretext of service, charity and love (or with money, jobs and other lures).

    What's this 10/40 window?
    well, according to the Joshua Project,
    "The 10/40 Window is the rectangular area of North Africa, the Middle East and Asia approximately between 10 degrees north and 40 degrees north latitude. The 10/40 Window is often called "The Resistant Belt" and includes the majority of the world's Muslims, Hindus, and Buddhists. The original 10/40 Window included only countries with at least 50% of their land mass within 10 and 40 degrees north latitude. The revised 10/40 Window includes several additional countries, such as Indonesia, that are close to 10 or 40 degrees north latitude and have high concentrations of unreached people"

    So coming back to the calamity, all the evangelist groups were seen suggesting that had the Nepalese accepted Jesus as their true god and saviour, there would not be any destruction, accidents or sorrows anymore. Going by their theory, no Christian should ever die accidentally/due to a natural calamity. For a bigot, idiocy knows no heights.

    events like these are thus an opportunity to introduce the 'unreached' to the Love of Jesus. Because the countries whose majority population accepts Jesus as their saviour and true light witness no calamities, sufferings or pains.

    Secretly they'd rejoice at the turn of events. The cause for their joy is twofold
    1) Lots and lots of dead heathens
    2) The remaining are apt target for conversion

    Their hate for the heathens is too blaring to be ignored as an individual's opinion and this, as a side effect, puts all Christians in bad light. it is really sad that these  Soul Vultures Are becoming active to prey upon weak and helpless victims of disaster. Missionaries are rushing into Nepal with their aid, but help will be given to those who convert. This is religion of Love they preach around the world in the name of poor Jesus Christ. 

    While those in distress are in need of food, shelter and medicine they're out there preaching the Gospel and distributing Bibles and Children's Bible storybooks. Baba Ramdev was in midst of his yoga summit when the tragedy struck. Instead of asking to be escorted back to safety of his homeland, he chose to stay and work for the victims. Unfortunately some evangelists were seen wishing he was hurt too. Such is the level to which they stoop; and although this is their entire mentality, it's only in rare occasions  like these they're caught in the public eye. Better late than never!


    Contrast this amazingly strange attitude of evangelists with the selfless work of India's secular government machinery or that with what's labelled by Indian media as the India's alleged 'right wing Hindutva organisation' -RSS.
    They reached there, silently, with men and material, provided aid and all possible help without any discrimination or expectations. So here is the bottomline .. the largest 'Hindu right wing' organisation is nothing but a human welfare organisation..on the other hand the smallest of Christian evangelical 'welfare organisations' are nothing but soul harvesting scavenger groups.
    And that folks, is where one realises which path is inherently secular, liberal and free.

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    The corporate lawyer of Dow Chemicals does ensure full tax Holiday for Desi Videshi capital overloading general Taxpayers.
    Palash Biswas
    I have been pointing out agai and again that RSS governance of fascism is nothing new as Congress has been accomplishing the task of Hindu Imperialist Ethnic cleansing until RSS directly took over the helmd of this killing fields.

    Economic Policies of foreign interests and free flow of foreign capital,govermnance by the foreign investors continued since the neoliberal children  began to kill the agrarian India..much before the rise of RSS as mainstream political force. 

    The corporate lawyer of Dow Chemicals does ensure full tax Holiday for Desi Videshi capital overloading general Taxpayers.

    Thus,once again,finance minster of RSS governance of fascism declares Tax Holiday as GST constitution amendment act has to be passed with congress and company support despite the NDA deficit in the Rajya Sabha. 

    The land acquisition bill is the umbrella to get all the legislation necessary to open all windows and all doors ajar for free flow of foreign capital and foreign interest.

    Further,the calamity,the mega Earth Quake inflicting the Himalayas most relevant for the sustenance of climate,environment and humanity,is being misused as anesthesia reminiscent of Operation blue star.

    Ironically, the Himalayan nation of this geopolitics on fire has become a complete battleground of   diplomatic war with high voltage Hindutva wave as RSS network surfaced all over Nepal which had been underground.

    Rescue and relief operations are limited around either the Everest or the capital,Kathmandu.

    A panic drive is relaunched quoting NASA to herald unprecedented fear psyche among the masses amidst aftershocks continued.

    More devastating Earth Quake warning  is working as anesthesia as media deleted all important basic issues to be addressed and flow of information is censored.

    Thus,it should go unnoticed that Indian Finance Minister Arun Jaitley today made it clear that retrospective tax will not be imposed and that taxation policy has to be "non-adversarial".

    Already tax holiday amounting 6.4 billion dollar beside the ritual tax forgone of lacs of crore has been settled.

    Meanwhile, consensus game intensified as Communist Party of India (CPI) leader D Raja has backed the Congress Party on the Goods and Services Tax Bill, saying the state governments must be taken into confidence on the issue.

    `GST, there are many contentious issues under it, because only federal government cannot implement GST. The other stakeholders, particularly the state governments must be taken into confidence. Unless state governments agree and accept the GST, it cannot go through," he said.

    Congress leader M Veerappa Moily earlier on Friday justified his party`s decision to stage a walkout from the House.

    "Congress Party and we are all for GST, but not a defective GST. We said this constitutional bill will have to be referred to the standing committee. That is the rule but these people are developing a practice that no bill will be referred to the standing committee. That is what we are fundamentally opposing," said Moily.

    The drama unfolds as   Economic times reports:
    :A possible truce with the Congress may allow the government to ensure passage of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Bill in the ongoing session of Parliament, perhaps this week itself. 

    The Congress appears positively inclined after Finance Minister Arun Jaitley reached out to the party leadership over the weekend for ironing out differences over the proposed law. 

    There are indications that the Congress could give up its demand of referring the bill again to the standing commi .. 

    Read more at:

    Promising a business friendly environment to woo foreign investments, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley today made it clear that retrospective tax will not be imposed and that taxation policy has to be "non-adversarial".

    "Our Taxation process has to be simpler to increase tax buoyancy. Our taxation policy has to be non-adversarial. The government does not intend to tax people retrospectively," Jaitley said.
    He said that the corporate tax structure has to be globally competitive and that is why the government has proposed to reduce it from 30 to 25 per cent in this year's Budget.

    "Decision-making has to be much quicker. The process of political consensus has to be statesman-like and mature," he said addressing D P Kohli Memorial Lecture in the national capital New Delhi..

    The Finance Minister said that agriculture as well as infrastructure sectors face serious challenges due to lack of investment.

    "Highways programme has slowed down and investment has not come in railways. We have to invest Rs 70,000 crore in infrastructure sector and that is why we have to little delay the fiscal road map," Jaitley said.

    Meanwhile, he said there is a need to revisit certain provisions of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988.

    "We need to revisit provisions of Prevention of Corruption," he said, while noting that the concerned departments and civil servants were reluctant to take decisions.

    Phrases like "corrupt means", "public interest" and "pecuniary advantages" have to be redefined in the present context to differentiate between the act of corruption and honest error, Jaitley said. Jaitley said there was breakdown of process of building consensus on various vital issues before May 2014.

    "Down the line we started losing the credibility of decision-making process and indecisiveness on part of government," Jaitley said.

    Weaker government and a power centre outside government did not help, the Finance Minister said in an apparent remark to the last UPA regime.

    He said the onus to take decisions lies on his NDA government as after 30 years a clear mandate has been given and a single largest party has come to power.

    Sectors like defence and real estates have been opened up for larger global investments, Jaitley said citing decisions taken in the present regime so far.

    Flanked by CVC and CAG on his side, he said CBI has to have the sixth sense to master the art of extracting truth and perfection.

    Many agencies can falter. Nobody is expected to be perfect. Country cannot afford to see two institutions– judiciary and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI)–to be imperfect, Jaitley said.

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    ****Biggest Swindler & National Looter***** 
    Ashok T Jaisinghani <>

       Why should we talk ONLY about NET NEUTRALITY with the TRAI chairman? We should also know why NOTHING is done against BSNL, which is cheating its subscribers in a MASSIVE WAY by inflating the telephone bills. 

       BSNL is also BLOCKING the emails of the subscribers who CRITICISE the policies and actions of the Government of India led by Narendra Modi. BSNL is deliberately DENYING ACCESS to the Internet even to its OWN subscribers. What will the TRAI do against the CRIMINALS in the BSNL? 

     *****Can anyone believe me when I state that BSNL has been asking me to type my PASSWORD again and again for EVERY email I wish to read from my INBOX? Why should I enter my PASSWORD about 20 or 30 TIMES in ONE hour to be able to read 20 to 30 emails? Why has the BSNL chosen to HARASS subscribers like me?***** 

       We should NOT be surprised if the MAJORITY of the BSNL subscribers GIVE UP their landline and Internet connections within the NEXT 2 YEARS!! 

       There are very STRONG RUMORS among the BSNL officials that the BJP-led Government is deliberately turning BSNL into a HEAVY LOSS-MAKING enterprise, so that it can be sold at a THROWAWAY PRICE to some group of Adani or Ambani, just as VSNL, along with its MASSIVE ASSETS of lands and buildings, was sold to the Tata group VERY CHEAPLY by the first NDA Government under Atal Behari Vajpayee.

       BSNL means "Biggest Swindler & National Looter" in the Telecom sector.  

    भूकंप के बहाने हिंदुत्व का यह हिंसक आवाहन, बजरंगियों का घृणा अभियान तेज

    प्राकृतिक आपदा से बडी आपदा है बचाव और राहत के बहाने राजनीति और राजनय

    इस आत्मघाती धर्मोन्मादी मुक्तबाजार के महाविध्वंस से बचना है तो मोहनतकशों, अस्मिताओं और सीमाओं के आर पार मनाओ मुक्तकामी जनता का महोत्सव

    मई दिवस।

    पलाश विश्वास

    नेपाल में हालात का जायजा लेने के लिए भारत के प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी के हवाई सर्वेक्षण की खबर आज इकोनामिक टाइम्स की बड़ी खबर है।क्या स्वतंत्र और संप्रभू देश की हैसियत से हम किसी बाराक हुसैन ओबामा या नितान्याहु के भारत के हवाई सर्वेक्षण की तैयारी के सिलसिले में यह नजीर पैदा कर रहे हैं.समयरहते इस सवाल पर गौर जरुर करें।

    इसी के मध्य भूकंप के बहाने हिंदुत्व का यह हिंसक आवाहन के तहत बजरंगियों का घृणा अभियान तेज से तेजहोता जा रहा है शत प्रतिशत हिंदुत्व वाले हिंद राष्ट्र के फासिस्ट कारपोरेट एजंडा के तहत।

    प्राकृतिक आपदा से बडी आपदा है बचाव और राहत के बहाने राजनीति और राजनय।नेपाल में राजनयिक युद्ध के तहतभारत के एकादिकार को तोड़ने केलिए मैदान में है अमेरिका और चीन भी।

    जबकि काठमांडो और एवरेस्ट के आसपास के मीडिया चकाचौंध को छोड़ जहां भूकंप पीड़ित मलबे में दबे हैं,वहा कोई राहत या बचाव याखोजअभियान है नहीं और सारे नेपाल पर राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ का कब्जा हो गया है।

    इस आत्मघाती धर्मोन्मादी मुक्तबाजार के महाविध्वंस से बचना है तो मोहनतकशों, अस्मिताओं और सीमाओं के आर पार मनाओ मुक्तकामी जनता का महोत्सव मई दिवस।

    Modi Likely to Make Aerial Survey of Nepal Devastation

    New Delhi:

    Our Political Bureau



    HIMALYAN RELIEF OPS NDA government is treating the crisis in neighbourhood at par with such crises in the past in Uttarakhand and Jammu and Kashmir

    The Modi government is giving the devastating earthquake in Nepal equal importance as that of a similar crisis within the country with all possible relief being provided to the affected and the possibility of PM making an aerial survey of the affected areas in near future.

    पहले पेज पर अरुण जेटली की देशी विदेशी पूंजी के लिए पिछला टैक्स एकमुश्त माफ करने और मुकम्मल टैक्स होली डे देने की खबर के अलावा जिस पर कल हमने अंग्रेजी में जो लिखा वह जेटली के वीडियो के साथ हस्तक्षेप पर कल ही लग गया था।कृपया देखेंः

    The corporate lawyer of Dow Chemicals does ensure full tax Holiday for Desi Videshi capital

    इसके साथ ही आज हस्तक्षेप में खबर लगी हैः

    Govt cancels licences of 8,975 NGOs for failing to file annual returns

    अब आप समझ लें कि कारपोरेट कंपनियों को टैक्स होलीडे,शर्म कानून खत्म और एकमुश्त सत्रह सौ गैरजरूरी कानून को खत्म करने के साथ साथ कारपोरेट टैक्स में पांच फीसद छूट के बाद सिर्फ विदेशी निवेशकों को  6.4 बिलियन डालर का टैक्स माफ के बाद अब  देशी विदेशी पूंजी के लिए मुकम्मल टैक्स होली डे के ऐलान के मध्य एक साथ 8,975 एनजीओ के लाइसेंस रद्द करके इस महादेश में समाज सेवा के लिए राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ का एकाधिकारी वर्चस्व किस एजंडा के तहत है।

    ग्रीन पीस पर शिकंजा कसा हुआ है जो जल जंगल जमीन के हकहकूक के जनांदोलनों का समर्थन कर रहा था तो बाकी एनजीओ भी पर्यावरण आंदोलन से जुड़े हुए थे।

    दूसरी ओर पर्यावरण हरी झंडी के बिना अरबों डालर के विदेशी पूंजीनिवेश वाली परियोजनाएं तमाम कायदे कानून बदलकर या उनकी धज्जियां उड़ाकर सुप्रीम कोर्ट और संविधान की अवमानना के तहत रोज रोज प्राकृतिक संसाधनों की लूटखसोट और नीलामी के तहत जो प्रकृति के साथ बलात्कार है,जो तटीयइलाकों में परमाणु विध्वंसे के आयोजन के साथ परमाणु रिएक्टरों का मेला लगाकर रेडियो एक्टिव सुनामी का सृजन है,तो आपदाएं प्राकृतिक हैं या मानवीय समझ लीजिये।

    प्रकृति मनुष्यता और सभ्यता को अपने संसाधनों से समृद्ध करता है।बिना कोई बाजार सजाये इस कायनात में हर जीवित अजीवित वजूद के वास्ते अपनी नियामतें बरकतें बिना भेदभाव मिसते रहने की ही नैसर्गिक व्यवस्था है।

    प्रकृति ने न धर्म बनाया और न प्रकृति की कोई राजनीति है।सीमाें और अस्मिताएं उसके लिए बेमायने हैं।इसलिए प्राकृतिक आपदाएं सीमाओं और अस्मिताओं के आर पार समूची मनुष्यता का स्पर्श कर लेती हैं।

    अस्मिताओं के आरपार ,सीमाओं के आर पार मनुष्यता और सभ्यता के वजूद के लिए प्राकृतिक संतुलन बनाये रखने की गरज से पर्यावरण संरक्षण सबसे जरुरी है जो मुक्तबाजार के खिलाफ है।मुक्ताबाजारी विकास पर्यावरण,प्रकृति और मनुष्यता का सर्वनाश है।

    इस कायमत से बचना है तो अंध राष्ट्रवाद के चश्मे को छोड़ खुली आंखों से देख लें कि प्रकृति से जुड़ें कृषि आजिविका वाले समुदायों के कत्लेआम से जो शापिंग माल, फ्लिपक्रट,अमेजन,स्नैपडील.अली बाबा,अलीपे की थ्रीजी फोर जी फाइव जी सेनसेक्सी सनी लियोन मैन फोर्स का जलवा है,जो कराकेटकैप्सूल का खटियातोड़ फलाहार है और जो जापानी तेल का श्रृंगार है,जो मुक्मल मुक्तबाजारी कार्निवाल है,उसमे कहां कहां सुनामियों और भूकंप का सृजन कर रहे हैं कल्कि अवतार।

    भूकंप के बहाने हिंदुत्व का यह हिंसक आवाहन देखिये।

    बजरंगियों के घृणा अभियान बेहद तेज है।

    नेपाल की संप्रभुता और स्वतंत्रता की परवाह किये बिना भारत की केसरिया कारपोरेट सत्ता ने वहां राजकाज शंभाल लिए है।

    मानवीय त्रासदी के वक्त मदद की बात अलग है,लेकिन वहां सारे सरकारी महकमों के सचिवों को भेजकर वहां के प्रशासन को टेकओवर करने का क्या मतलब लगाया जाये। बचाव और राहत का नजारा हम हर साल अपने यहां आम जनता के  साथ प्राकृतिक आपदाओं के साथ सत्ता के केल में

    इस पोस्टर को जरुर छापें।हिंदुत्व के इस घृणा अभियान में जाने अनजाने बता दिया गया है कि संघ परिवार ने नेपाल में लोकतंत्र की हत्या करके  हिंदू राष्ट्र और राजतंत्र की वापसी के लिए कैसे और क्या क्यो इंतजाम किये हैं।

    इस आत्मघाती धर्मोन्मादी मुक्तबाजार के महाविध्वंस से बचना है तो मोहनतकशों,अस्मिताओं और सीमाओं के आर पार मनाओ मुक्तकामी जनता का महोत्सव मई दिवस।


    यूट्यूब से न जाने क्यों मेरा यह वीडियो हटा दिया गया है।जिसमें हमने हिमालय को साझा विरासत बताते हुए हिमालयान व्यायस के हिमालयन टाक्स के तहत इंटरव्यू में हिमालयी भूगोलके सारे देशों के एक साझा आपदा प्रबंधन मेकानिज्म बनाने की अपील की थी ठीक केदार आपदा के बाद।

    फिर हमने आने वाले भूकंपों की भी चेतावनी का वीडियो अलग से जारी किया था।जो संजोग से यूट्यूब पर अब भी है।

    Webcam video from 31 December 2012 2:53

    by Palash Biswas

    An Warning against massive earthquakes Imminent in the Himalayan Region.

    दरअसल सत्तर के दशक से नैनीताल समाचार और पहाड़े के तमाम अंकों को उठाकर देखें तो हम हिमालय से सरोकार रखने वाले तमाम लोग भूगर्भीय हलचल के अकादमिक विश्लेषण के बजाय हिमालय से छेड़छाड़ के खिलाफ सुंदर लाल बहुगुणा जी की चेतावनी ही दुहराते रहे हैं कि हिमालय एक एटम बम है,फटेगा तो न मनुष्यता बचेगी और न सभ्यता।

    हमारे गुरुजी खड़गसिंह वाल्दिया ने केदार जलसुनामी के वक्त भी हिमालयी क्षेत्र के पर्यावरण के संरक्षण की बातें सिलसिलेवार कीथी जैसा कि हम उनसे अपने छात्र जीवन में ही सुनते रहे हैं।अब अर्थशास्त्रियों की हरिअनंतविकासगाथा की तरह भूगर्भ शास्त्रियों की रात दिन चौबीसों घंटे जारी विश्लेषण हमारी समझ से बाहर है।

    हजारों करोड़ साल पहले बने हिमालय में भूगर्भीयसंरचना की वजह से ही ये आपदाएं आ रही हैं और आगे इससे भी परलयंकार आपदायें आने वाली हैं,तो इन हजारों करोड़ सालों तक इन्ही प्लेटीय घर्षण और टकराव और भूगर्भीय संरचना के बावजूद हिमालय के उत्तुंग शिखरों और ग्लेशियरों के साथ नवउदारवाद की संतानों के धर्मोन्मादी राजकाज में ही हिमालयऔर इस पूरे महादेश के वजूद के लिए महासंकट क्यों है,यह पहेली कुछ हमारी समझ में आ नहीं रही है।

    हजारों करोड़ों साल तक हिमालय का इतना दोहन उत्पीड़न कभी नहीं हो रहा था।न टिहरी समेत तमाम जलबिजली परिटोजनाएं बनी थी और न विकास के नाम पर वनों के अंधाधुंध विनाश के तहतपहाड़ों पर इतने तेजी से सीमेंट के जंगल उगाये गये थे।

    न इन हजारों करोड़ों सालों में गंगा की अविरल धारा को कदम कदम पर बांधा गयाथा और न ब्रहमपुत्र को बांधने के लिए चीन में परमाणु धमाके की तैयारियां थी।न एवरेस्टऔर मानसरोवर तक सड़क और रेलमार्ग बिछाकर उन्हें पर्यटन स्थल बनाने का कोई आयोजन रहा है।

    भूगर्भीय संरचना में प्राकृतिक कारण से जो बदलाव आये हों हम नहीं कह सकते,लेकिन भूमि उपयोग सिरे से बदल जाने से,हिमालयी कृषि को बाकी महादेश की तरह खत्म कर दिये जाने से मुक्तबाजारी विकास का जोकयामती मजर हैं,उसके खिलाफ हम और हमारे साथी कम से कम चार दशक से लगातार आवाज बुलंद करते रहे हैं।

    अब हमारे सहकर्मी डा.मांधाता सिंहने लिखा हैः

    भूकंप तो प्राकृतिक आपदा है जिसका हम सबको मिलजुलकर सामना करना चाहिए मगर ऐसे लोगों को धित्कारना भी चाहिए जो ऐसे मौकों पर भी अपनी गंदी हरकतों से बाज नहीं आते. कल यानी बीती रात को धरती के पास से कास्मिक रेज गुजरने और बिहार, झारखंड ओडीशा मध्यप्रदेश वगैरह में रात डेढ से रात तीन बजे के बीच भूकंप आने की खबर जानबूझकर अफवाह होते हुए भी फैलाई गई. यह ऐसै तत्वो का काम है जो चाहते हैं कि लोगों का ध्यान बंट जाए. भूमि अधिग्रहण जैसी जरूरी बहस भटक जाए. गजेंद्र के मामले भी तमाम जटिलताएं पैदा करके कोशिश की जा रही है कि भूमि अधिग्रहण की बहस किसान सहायता पर केंद्रित हो जाए. भूमि ही नहीं रहेगी तो सहायता का क्या अस्तित्व रह जाएगा.

    एक और बड़ी साजिश की जा रही है. कारपोरेट के हाथों बिक चुके लोग किसानों की जमीन का सौदा करके अपना कर्ज चुकाना चाहते हैं. इस भूमि अधिग्रहण बिल की सबसे बड़ी खामी यह कि इसमें सिर्फ मुआवजे की बात की जा रही है. उजड़े किसानों का पुनर्वास कैसे होगा, इसपर कोई बात नहीं कर रहा है. दरअसल होना यह चाहिए कि सरकार के भुमि बैक से उतनी ही जमीन देकर उजड़ रहे लोगों को तत्काल बसाने का प्रावधान होना चाहिए. किसान को किसान ही बने रहने का प्रावधान होने की भी बात करनी चाहिए. यह भी प्रावधान हो कि उसकी जिस जमीन पर जो उद्योग लगे उसमें उस किसान को अगर वह चाहे तो उसे मालिकाना हक का शेयर मिले. मेरे कहने का मतलब सिर्फ यह है कि उजाड़े जा रहे किसान को बतौर किसान पुनर्वासित किया जाए. और इसपर भी बिल में प्रावधान होना जरूरी है. जमीन अधिग्रहण के सवाल पर उपजी सामाजिक समस्या पर बहस होनी चाहिए. जिसे आप फिर से बसा नहीं सकते उसे उजाड़ने का क्या हक है आपको. चंद पैसे देकर किसान को दरबदर किया गया तो वह दर दर की ठोकरें खाने पर मजबूर हो जाएगा. क्या कारपोरेट कोखुश रखकर और बदले में किसानों को भिखारी बनाकर यह देश खुशहाल रह पाएगा.? यह बड़ा सवाल है और किसी भी वजह से इसपर बहस बंद नहीं होनी चाहिए.

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    "वरशिपिंग फॉल्स गॉडस "और संघ की अंबेडकर पूजा

    hastakshep | हस्तक्षेप

    हेडगेवार-गोलवलकर बनाम अम्बेडकर- 2

    वरिष्ठ चिंतक व सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता सुभाष गाताडे की पुस्तक "हेडगेवार-गोलवलकर बनाम अम्बेडकर"क्रमवार हम अपने पाठकों के लिए प्रकाशित कर रहे हैं। हर रोज़ एक कड़ी इस पुस्तक की आपके सामने होगी। इस पुस्तक में सुभाष गाताडे जी ने उदाहरणों के साथ बताया है कि किस तरह संघ परिवार डॉ. अंबेडकर के विरुद्ध घृणा अभियान चला रहा है।… इस श्रंखला का हर लेख पढ़ें और अधिक से अधिक मित्रों के साथ शेयर भी करें। 

    हेडगेवार और अम्बेडकर में वाकई 'घनिष्ठता'होती तो उसका आधार वैचारिक होता। कमसे कम व्यक्तिगत जीवन में हम ऐसे उदाहरणों से रूबरू होते, जहां हमें दिखता कि जाति उन्मूलन के प्रश्न पर दोनों के विचार में समानता है या कमसे कम सरोकार एक जैसा है। उल्टे हम ऐसे उदाहरणों से अवश्य रूबरू होते हैं, जहां एक तरफ डा. अंबेडकर हिंदt धर्म में अन्तर्निहित बर्बरताओं के खिलाफ संघर्ष चला रहे हैं, अपनी रचनाओं के जरिए आम हिन्दू को यह समझा रहे हैं कि किस तरह ब्राहमणवाद की विचारधारा से वह बार-बार ठगे गए हैं और पथ भ्रष्ट किए जाते रहे हैं और हेडगेवार उसी हिन्दू धर्म के महिमामण्डन में जुटे हैं। हम यह भी पाते हैं कि एक ही समय में डा. अम्बेडकर अपने सत्याग्रहों, आन्दोलनों के जरिए जातिप्रथा के खिलाफ, उसकी समाप्ति के लिए आवाज़ बुलन्द कर रहे हैं, मगर उसी दौर में 'हिन्दू एकता'का राग अलापते डा. हेडगेवार दलित स्वयंसेवक साथ सहभोज से इन्कार कर रहे हैं, इतना ही नहीं उन दिनों अस्पृश्यता मिटाने के नाम पर सुधारवादी हिन्दुओं द्वारा सभी जातियों के लोगों के सहभोज कार्यक्रम का भी विरोध रहे हैं। / देखें, एच वी पिंगले, सम्पादित, स्मृतिकण – परमपूज्य डा हेडगेवार के जीवन की विभिन्न घटनाओं का संकलन, पेज 49-50,Religious Dimension of Indian Nationalism : A Study of RSS, Shamsul Islam, Media House, Delhi में उद्धृत/

    कहने का तात्पर्य कि जिस तरह संस्कृत के ग्रंथों में बाद में मिलावटी श्लोकों की बात होती है, वही किस्सा यहां पर भी दोहराया गया दिखता है और हेडगेवार-अम्बेडकर की कथित घनिष्ठता की बातें दरअसल 21 वीं सदी की दूसरी दहाई में अपने आप को पोलिटिकली करेक्ट अर्थात् राजनीतिक तौर पर सही दिखाने के लिए जोड़ी गयी दिखती हैं।

    और जहां तक विचारों का सवाल है, हेडगेवार के बाद संघ की कमान सम्भाले गोलवलकर या शेष स्वयंसेवक बिरादरी डा. अम्बेडकर के चिन्तन से उतनी ही दूर खड़ी दिखती है। उदाहरण के तौर पर हम उनकी मौत के कुछ साल पहले 'नवा काल'नामक मराठी अख़बार में ( दिनांक 1 जनवरी 1969) छपे गोलवलकर के विवादास्पद साक्षात्कार को देख सकते हैं जिसमें उन्होंने 'बौद्धिक'अन्दाज में मनुस्मृति को सही ठहराया था और शुद्धता-प्रदूषण पर टिकी वर्ण-जाति व्यवस्था को ईश्वरप्रदत्त घोषित किेया था।

    अपने इस साक्षात्कार में गोलवलकर ने साफ-साफ कहा था कि

    '..स्मृति ईश्वरनिर्मित है और उसमें बताई गई चातुर्वर्ण्य व्यवस्था भी ईश्वरनिर्मित है। किंबहुना वह ईश्वरनिर्मित होने के कारण ही उसमें तोड़ मरोड़ हो जाती है, तबभी हम चिन्ता नहीं करते। क्योंकि मनुष्य आज तोड़ मरोड़ करता भी है, तबभी जो ईश्वरनिर्मित योजना है, वह पुनः-पुन'प्रस्थापित होकर ही रहेगी।' (पेज 163 श्री गुरूजी समग्र: खंड 9)।

    अपने इस साक्षात्कार में गोलवलकर ने जाति-वर्णप्रथा की हिमायत करते हुए चन्द बातें भी कही थीं जैसे

    '..अपने धर्म की वर्णाश्रम व्यवस्था सहकारी पद्धति ही तो है। किंबहुना आज की भाषा में जिसे 'गिल्ड'कहा जाता है और पहले जिसे 'जाति'कहा गया उनका स्वरूप एक ही है। ..जन्म से प्राप्त होने वाली चातुर्वर्ण्य व्यवस्था में अनुचित कुछ भी नहीं है, किन्तु उसमें लचीलापन रखना ही चाहिए और वैसा लचीलापन था भी। लचीलेपन से युक्त जन्म पर आधारित चातुर्वर्ण्य व्यवस्था उचित ही है।'

    पचास के दशक के मध्य में जब हिन्दू कोड बिल के जरिये हिन्दू महिलाओं को सम्पत्ति और उत्तराधिकार में सीमित अधिकार देने की नये सिरे से कोशिश चली उस वक्त दिया गया उनका वक्तव्य इस सम्बन्ध में उनमें गहराई में व्याप्त घृणा को साफ उजागर करता है। वे लिखते हैं:

    जनता को यह अच्छी तरह समझ लेना चाहिए तथा इस संतोष में भी नहीं रहना चाहिये कि हिंदू कोड बिल का खतरा समाप्त हो गया है। वह खतरा अभी ज्यों का त्यों बना हुआ है, जो पिछले द्वार से उनके जीवन में प्रवेश कर उनकी जीवन की शक्ति को खा जाएगा। यह खतरा उस भयानक सर्प के सदृश है, जो अपने विषैले दांत से दंश करने के लिये अंधेरे में ताक लगाए बैठा हो। (श्री गुरूजी समग्र: खण्ड 6, पेज 64 , युगाब्द 5106)

    संघ से सम्बद्ध के आर मलकानी ने अपनी एक किताब 'द आरएसएस स्टोरी' (न्यू देहली, इम्पेक्स इण्डिया, 1980) में इस बात का विशेष उल्लेख करते हैं कि गोलवलकर 'इसके पीछे दिए कारणों से सहमत नहीं थे कि हिन्दू कानून को मनुस्मृति के साथ अपने पुराने रिश्ते को खतम कर देने चाहिए।' (पेज 73)

    इस बात में कोई आश्चर्य नहीं प्रतीत होता कि गोलवलकर ने कभी भी अनुसूचित जाति और जनजातियों के कल्याण एवम सशक्तिकरण हेतु नवस्वाधीन मुल्क के कर्णधारों ने जो विशेष अवसर प्रदान करने की जो योजना बनायीं, उसका कभीभी तहेदिल से समर्थन नहीं किया। आरक्षण के बारे में उनका कहना था कि यह हिन्दुओं की सामाजिक एकता पर कुठाराघात है और उसने आपस में सद्भाव पर टिके सदियों पुराने रिश्ते तार-तार होंगे। इस बात से इन्कार करते हुए कि निम्न जातियों की दुर्दशा के लिए हिन्दू समाज व्यवस्था जिम्मेदार रही है, उन्होंने दावा किया कि उनके लिए संवैधानिक सुरक्षा प्रदान करने से आपसी दुर्भावना बढ़ने का खतरा है। (गोलवलकर, बंच आफ थाटस्, पेज 363, बंगलौर: साहित्य सिन्धु, 1996)

    डा. अम्बेडकर को हेडगेवार के समकक्ष प्रस्तुत करने के इस प्रयास को किसी अलसुबह संघ के वरिष्ठ नेता के दिमाग में पैदा विचार के तौर पर देख नहीं सकते हैं, यह एक व्यापक परियोजना का हिस्सा है, जिसके कई आयाम हैं:

    पहला आयाम है न केवल अम्बेडकर बल्कि समूचे दलित इतिहास का पुनर्लेखन

    दूसरा आयाम, हिन्दू धर्म का भी एक साफ-सुथराकृत रूप पेश करना है, जिसमें अस्पृश्यता से लेकर उसमें निहित अन्य मानवद्रोही परम्पराओं, रूढ़ियों से या तो इन्कार किया जा सके या उन्हें 'बाहरी'आक्रमणों की पैदाइश कहा जा सके

    तीसरा तथा शायद सबसे महत्वपूर्ण आयाम है व्यापक सामाजिक रूपांतरण की विराट सम्भावना रखने वाले दलित मुक्ति के आन्दोलन को, एक तरह से राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ तथा अन्य हिन्दुत्ववादी संगठनों की 'हम'और 'वे'पर टिकी सामाजिक विघटन एवं अलगाव की राजनीति में, समाहित कर देना है।

    इसे मुमकिन बनाने के लिए संघ की यह मजबूरी भी बनती है कि वह जाति के प्रश्न को लेकर उसके अपने मनुवादी रूख को लेकर परदा डाले, इस तथ्य से भी किनारा कर ले कि उसके निर्माण का मकसद ही फुले-पेरियार-जयोति थास-अययनकली- अम्बेडकर जैसों की अगुआई में आगे बढ़े ब्राहमणवाद-पुरोहितवाद विरोधी आन्दोलन की धार को बोथर करना था और उसे 'बाहरी दुश्मनों'की तरफ मोड़ना था। साफ है कि इसके लिए उसकी यह मजबूरी बनती है कि वह अपना भी गढ़ा हुआ, रंगरोगन किया इतिहास पेश करे, और जीते जी जिस अम्बेडकर से और उनके कार्यो/मुहिमों से न केवल उन्होंने दूरी बना रखी थी और मौत के बाद भी उन्होंने ब्राहमणवाद के खिलाफ इस अनथक योद्धा की खिल्ली उड़ायी थी, उनसे दोस्ती का इजहार कर ले।

    मगर बीता अतीत ऐसा दौर होता है जिसे आप चाह कर भी बदल नहीं सकते है। आधुनिक समय में जबकि घटनाओं का विधिवत दस्तावेजीकरण होता रहता है, अपने वक्त़ के मनीषी उस पर जबकि अपनी कलम चला रहे होते हैं, तब यह मुश्किल बढ़ जाती है। यह बात सनद है कि अस्सी के दशक के शुरूआत में संघ परिवार के करीबी कहे जानेवाले पत्रकार जनाब अरूण शौरी – जो बाद में वाजपेयी सरकार में मंत्री भी बने – उन्होंने अंबेडकर के खिलाफ अनर्गल बातें करते हुए साढ़े छह सौ पेज की एक मोटी किताब लिखी थी जिसका शीर्षक था 'वरशिपिंग फॉल्स गॉडस'। गनीमत थी कि उन दिनों वैचारिक तौर पर सशक्त रहे दलित आन्दोलन और तमाम अम्बेडकरी विचारकों ने अपनी रचनाओं,  किताबों के जरिए अम्बेडकर को बदनाम करने की इस मुहिम को बेपर्द किया, और उसके पीछे अन्तर्निहित हिन्दूवादी एजेण्डा को सामने लाने का काम किया था। प्रस्तुत किताब के प्रकाशन के इतने समय बाद भी संघ परिवारी जनों ने आज तक इस किताब की आलोचना में एक शब्द नहीं कहा है।

    अम्बेडकर को अपने में समाहित करने के लिए संघ परिवारी जन कितने अधिक बदहवास दिखते हैं और जिसके लिए वह किस हद तक गल्पबाजी का सहारा ले सकते हैं, इसकी ताज़ी मिसाल पिछले दिनों मौजूदा संघ सुप्रीमो मोहन भागवत के 15 फरवरी 2015 के उन्नाव के भाषण में दिखाई दी:

    राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ के सुप्रीमो मोहन भागवत ने दावा किया है कि भारतीय संविधान के निर्माताबाबासाहब भीमराव अम्बेडकर, दरअसल संघ की विचारधारा में यकीन रखते थे और उन्होंने कार्यकर्ताओं को सामाजिक एकता एवं अखण्डता का प्रतीक कहा था। उनका यह भी कहना था कि अम्बेडकर यह भी चाहते थे कि भारत के राष्ट्रीय ध्वज के तौर पर केसरिया झंडे को अपनाया जाए। ..

    उन्नाव, उत्तर प्रदेश की सभा में भागवत ने संघ कार्यकर्ताओं से कहा कि उन्हें विभिन्न सामाजिक समुदायों के बीच व्याप्त दूरियों को पाटने के लिए आगे आना होगा। अम्बेडकर, जो इस दिशा में काम करते थे, वह हिन्दू धर्म की विचारधारा में यकीन रखते थे।.. अम्बेडकर का मानना था कि संघ का भगवा झण्डा देश का राष्ट्रीय झण्डा हो और संस्कत राष्ट्रीय भाषा हो। दुर्भाग्य की बात है कि हम उनके उस विचार को प्रसारित नहीं कर सके।.. अम्बेडकर की विचारधारा को अपनाते हुए संघ अब अनुसूचित जातियों के हकों की लड़ाई लड़ेगा और उन्हें मुल्क की मुख्यधारा में लाने की कोशिश करेगा। हम लोग इसके लिए अपने सबसे अनुभवी नेताओं को जिम्मा सौंपेंगे।

    ;Read more at:

    सुभाष गाताडे

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    संघ के कौन से अम्बेडकर !

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    About The Author

     Subhash gatade is a well known journalist, left-wing thinker and human rights activist. He has been writing for the popular media and a variety of journals and websites on issues of history and politics, human right violations and state repression, communalism and caste, violence against dalits and minorities, religious sectarianism and neo-liberalism, and a host of other issues that analyse and hold a mirror to South asian society in the past three decades. He is an important chronicler of our times, whose writings are as much a comment on the mainstream media in this region as on the issues he writes about. Subhash Gatade is very well known despite having been published very little in the mainstream media, and is highly respected by scholars and social activists. He writes in both English and Hindi, which makes his role as public intellectual very significant. He edits Sandhan, a Hindi journal, and is author of Pahad Se Uncha Admi, a book on Dasrath Majhi for children, and Nathuram Godse's Heirs: The Menace of Terrorism in India.

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    Shobhaa De's Petition, SC Stays Notice to Her by Maharashtra Assembly

    MUMBAI:  After a petition by author Shobhaa De, the Supreme Court today put on hold a notice of privilege sent to her by the Maharashtraassembly over her tweet criticizing a state government order on Marathi films.

    The notice has been issued after a Shiv Sena lawmaker Pratap Sarnik demanded a privilege motion against her and an apology.

    The Shiv Sena, which co-governs Maharashtra with the BJP, was widely criticized for its protests against the author earlier this month.

    The Sena took offence to a tweet in which Shobhaa De wrote, "No more pop corn at multiplexes in Mumbai? Dahi misal and vada pav only. To go better with the Marathi movies at prime time."

    She was criticizing the state government's order to multiplexes to dedicate at least one screen to Marathi films during the peak business hours of 6 pm to 9 pm every day. After a strong backlash, the state government increased the hours and said the films could be shown anytime between 12 pm and 9 pm.

    The government said the previous Congress-NCP regime also made it mandatory for cinemas to show Marathi films but the rule was circumvented by owners who screened the regional films at odd hours.

    In a tweet reacting to the privilege notice in the assembly, Ms De had said, "Now a privilege motion demanding an apology from me? Come on! I am a proud Maharashtrian and love Marathi films. Always have. Always will!"

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    The circumstances of Nagaraju Koppula's death point to reasons why our newsrooms continue to be incapable of absorbing people from disadvantaged backgrounds.

    | Apr 27, 2015


    In a heavily contractualised media industry, unions have become a bad word and journalists associated with unions have come to be looked on as trouble makers. It's no surprise, then, that lawyers, academics and activists outnumbered journalists at the condolence-cum-stocktaking meeting called on by the Delhi Union of Journalists (DUJ).

    The motley group of people had gathered at DUJ's run-down headquarters in the heart of Delhi to condole the death of Nagaraju Koppula — a young, and possibly the lone, Madiga Dalit journalist who worked at The New Indian Express in Hyderabad.

    DuJ members and many present at the meeting squarely put the blame on Nagaraju's employers for his worsening health that ultimately led to his death on April 12.

    Talk flew thick and fast of the media's apathy towards its own people. Some wondered why so few journalists had come forward in support of Nagaraju and why his case had not been reported on by any of the media houses. "Is there no news value for his story? If not, it should be created," said one of the speakers.

    'I want to make it as an English journalist'


    Journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, present at the DUJ meeting, had taught Nagaraju in a creative writing course at the-now defunct Tehelka School of Journalism in Delhi. Nagaraju later helped him in one of his documentary movies as a translator. He was, as Thakurta says, "the only student on scholarship in a class full of rich kids." He speaks of Nagaraju's "amazing determination to overcome his underprivileged background"– a fact most of his colleagues and friends confirm.

    Born in Sarapaka village in Khammam district, Nagaraju lost his father when he was very young. He along with his mother and five siblings lived in a small thatched hut on the banks of the Godavari next to the ITC factory. According to his friends, Nagaraju grew up doing odd jobs like selling ice to fund his education through school. Later, he started painting signboards in his village and collected enough money to go to college and apply for a Masters in History at the University of Hyderabad.

    "He is a very famous painter in his village. When I went to his funeral in Sarapaka, people showed me a big beautiful board of Kamal Haasan that he had painted. Usually, once people from his background get used to a steady income, they give up on education, but he was committed to studying," says Chittibabu Padavala, an ex-journalist who is now pursuing post-doctoral studies at the Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay.

    Chittibabu had met Nagaraju on the campus of the University of Hyderabad and convinced Nagaraju to join journalism. "I convinced him to join journalism. I consider myself criminal number one," he says.

    Chittibabu himself belongs to a Dalit sub caste and says he had always believed there was a need for more Dalits to join journalism. He has worked in organisations like The Hindu and Frontline and expresses his discomfort at talking about his own experiences as a Dalit in Indian newsrooms. "I'd rather be known as a public intellectual who speaks for Dalit rights and not for my experiences as a Dalit," he says.

    Nagaraju joined the Indian Institute of Journalism and New Media,Bangalore, after his masters on concessional fees and then went on to pursue a creative writing course in Delhi. Despite his qualifications, he found it tough to get a job in media organisations after he passed out from IIJNM in 2010.

    His friends say he was determined to join the English media and didn't want to settle with being a regional language journalist. After three failed attempts at The Hindu, he finally got a job at The New Indian Express in 2011.

    "He was an extremely hardworking reporter who could really slog. He covered numerous beats and was very good with research. His English may not have been up to the mark but he more than made up for it," says a batch mate and a colleague of Nagaraju.

    "Many of my batch mates joined public relations and non-media companies after they failed to get through mainstream media, but Nagaraju did not quit. His relentless effort finally paid off when he was offered a job by The New Indian Express based on his performance after a three-month unpaid internship. He was really happy when he called me to tell me this," says Gangadhar Patil, another of Nagaraju's batch mate.

    'There was discrimination right at the outset'

    It is the contention of DUJ and people like Chittibabu that Nagaraju had been discriminated on account of being a Madiga Dalit in a pre-dominantly upper-caste media industry. "From the beginning there seems to be a different pay treatment. He joined at a salary of Rs 15,000, which is less than what the Savarna journalists were getting at that time. His batch mates joining The New Indian Express got close to Rs 20,000," claims a Delhi-based journalist who was close to Nagaraju.

    She also claims that his appraisals were low even though he worked very hard and that with his salary, he could not afford a house and stayed with his friends at the University campus. "He had taken a bike on loan and travelled close to 50 kilometres to his office and more for work. He had to send money back home too," she claims, adding that his contract was inclusive of all allowances.

    Another journalist based in Hyderabad with a leading English daily states that by 2012, Nagaraju had developed a persistent dry cough and had started to lose weight. "I advised him to visit a doctor. He could not afford medical treatment, even though as an employee he was entitled to a health card," she claims.

    After a persistent bout of cough Nagaraju sought medical help under the Andhra Pradesh government's rural health care scheme, Aarogyasri, for those below the poverty line. He went back home for about five months to get treated and visited Hyderabad every month to get medication from the Lung and Chest Hospital in Hyderabad that had diagnosed him with tuberculosis.

    His condition only got worse. With the help and insistence of his friends, he sought a second opinion from a private hospital. On April 1, 2013, he was diagnosed with advance-stage lung cancer. So far, he had been getting treated for a disease he didn't have.

    DUJ and some of Nagaraju's friends like Chittibabu have claimed that The New Indian Express denied Nagaraju sick leave and that he had to go on a five-month long unpaid leave when he was misdiagnosed with TB. In a press release, DUJ has stated: "When TNIE [The New Indian Express] got to know Nagaraju has terminal cancer, they quietly removed his name from the rolls without following due procedure or even intimating him."

    "He visited The New Indian Express' office at least twice in his decaying stage asking if the management could help him in any way," says a close friend who was with Nagaraju through his cancer treatment. Nagaraju's treatment included about six cycles of chemotherapy costing Rs 40,000 each. Most of his expenses were borne by friends and batch mates who came together to raise funds for him though chain mails.

    Newslaundry has assessed Nagaraju's offer letter that confirms the assertions about him starting off in The New Indian Express at a salary of 15,000 inclusive of all allowances. However, his contract was not available for scrutiny.

    Newslaundry has, however, assessed a 2011 contract of another journalist, also a batch mate of Nagaraju, who joined The New Indian Express in 2010. The contract, written on a bond paper, makes no mention of sick leave or medical insurance. It offers the journalist a remuneration of Rs 22,000 and the journalist has stated that he joined The New Indian Express at a salary of Rs 20,000 in 2010.

    Newslaundry has also assessed a series of chain mails beginning April 6, 2013, that have a number of Nagaraju's friends volunteering to support his treatment.

    'Don't make this a Dalit issue'

    Even as DUJ has stated that he was denied help from The New Indian Express owing to his Dalit origins, some of friends and batch mates claim it wasn't so.

    "There is no doubt that the management should have made some discretion on humanitarian grounds. What happened was wrong. But it could have happened to any of us. I don't think he was denied leave or medical help because he was Dalit. All of us had only one month of leave and it is totally on the discretion of the boss whether your leave gets extended. We did have a health card but the process of getting it was complicated and I doubt if it would have been of any use anyway," says a former colleague of Nagaraju who is now working for another English daily in Hyderabad.

    He adds that this should not be made into a "Dalit" issue, but agrees that the management should be blamed for not considering his disadvantaged background. MJ Pandey at The Bombay Union of Journalists says one cannot look at this case in terms of whether the management transgressed any law, but look at it as a humanitarian failure.

    Entry restricted

    Newslaundry sent questions to G Vasu, Resident Editor, The New Indian Express, to seek the management's side of the story. The questions sought specific answers to the management's health insurance and leave policy.

    The New Indian Express replied with a notice that its legal team has sent to DUJ.


    Whether Nagaraju was discriminated for being Dalit is something perhaps only an independent enquiry can ascertain. It is true that journalism does not pay the best of salaries at the entry level and since most media houses are located in big cities, eking a living as a cub reporter or junior sub-editor can be extremely difficult. Is there an in-built assumption, then, that those who enter the profession have the financial backing to live in cities on low pay? And where does that leave people like Nagaraju who come from underprivileged backgrounds?

    Even if the treatment that Nagaraju underwent were not due to his caste, the fact that the profession he so dearly loved has still not built a viable mechanism to absorb students such as him is worth pondering.

    If the media, which derives its raison d'être from exposing shortcomings in other fields, is unable to correct its own wrongs, it would be a great travesty.

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    April 27, 2015



    Justice K.G. Balakrishnan


    National Human Rights Commission

    New Delhi



    Dear Sir,


    Dr G. N. Saibaba, a 47-year old teacher in Ram Lal College of Delhi University was arrested by the Maharashtra Police on May 9, 2014, allegedly for political leanings. Even before being formally arrested, he was subjected to many indignities during his interrogation and confinement.


    Dr Saibaba is a wheelchair user with 90% disability. Since his arrest, he has been lodged in the Nagpur Central Jail, where he is facing tremendous difficulty owing to the jail premises being completely inaccessible. The jail authorities and the police are completely insensitive to Saibaba's needs as a human being. For instance, his wheelchair was broken due to mishandling. No accessible toilets have been made available to him. The infrastructure within the jail premises is totally unfriendly as far as persons with disabilities are concerned. Living in such a disabled unfriendly environment and being continuously mistreated and mishandled by the jail personnel, Dr. Saibaba is in a precarious medical and health situation. Despite a recent Sessions court order which asked the jail authorities to get medical intervention, the jail authorities have not taken any action.


    India has signed and ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities as also the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. As an undertrial, Dr. Saibaba is entitled to being treated as a human being, living with dignity and be provided with basic facilities. At present Dr Saibaba is going through continuous degradation of his physical self due to the inaccessible environment and mental abuse by the concerned authorities.


    Despite Saibaba being an under trial, he cannot be denied his basic rights as a human being.


    Section  46 of the Persons with Disabilities Act, 1995 mandates that all public buildings should be accessible (including toilets). 


    India has ratified the UN convention on Rights of Persons with disability (UNCRPD). Article 13 states that the "States Parties shall ensure effective access to justice for persons with disabilities on an equal basis with others, including through the provision of procedural and age-appropriate accommodations, in order to facilitate their effective role as direct and indirect participants, including as witnesses, in all legal proceedings, including at investigative and other preliminary stages."


    Article 14 states that "States Parties shall ensure that persons with disabilities, on an equal basis with others: (a)   Enjoy the right to liberty and security of person; (b) Are not deprived of their liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily, and that any deprivation of liberty is in conformity with the law, and that the existence of a disability shall in no case justify a deprivation of liberty."


    Article 15 states that "1. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In particular, no one shall be subjected without his or her free consent to medical or scientific experimentation.  2. States parties shall take all effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to prevent persons with disabilities, on an equal basis with others, from being subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment."


    Dr. Saibaba is in jail virtually without trial. The Delhi University Teacher's Association along with many others have vociferously protested, sought his release and called for his being treated as a human being with equal rights.


    Dr Saibaba's case is only the latest example of the humiliation, indignity and violence that most people with disabilities are subjected to when they are arrested, incarcerated, institutionalised or otherwise engage with law-enforcement agencies. This blatant violation of the Constitution and of India's commitments under a range of international treaties should be a source of shame for every right-thinking Indian.


    We request the NHRC to intervene to see that that Dr Saibaba is granted bail and released. In the meanwhile the enquiry may proceed and if proved guilty, he may be proceeded against as per provisions of the law. Pending his release basic provisions required for a person with disability should be provided within the jail premises.



    Yours truly





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    The Incredible Rise and 

    Rise of Gautam Adani: 

    Part One

    A laugh between friends
     PART- 1

    NEW DELHI: Has India's largest bank, the government-controlled State Bank of India (SBI) decided to scrap a memorandum of understanding (MoU) it entered into with one of India's largest corporate conglomerates led by Gautam Adani? The MoU was to advance a first-of-its-kind loan of US$ one billion or ₹6,200 crore for a controversial coal mining project in Queensland, Australia.

    One newspaper report suggested that there would be a 'quiet and natural death' of the loan agreement between the SBI and the Adani group. But nothing is official yet.

    If indeed the MoU is scrapped, it would signify a dramatic shift in the position of India's biggest lender. On 13 March, SBI Chairperson Arundhati Bhattacharya had dubbed media speculation about the possibility of scrapping the MoU between the bank and the Adani group as "all gossip".

    If, and when, the SBI decides not to extend a loan for a part of a major project — that entails developing a coal mine, building a railway line and revamping a port at a cost of around $10 billion or ₹62,000 crore in the north-eastern part of Australia — India's biggest bank will join a long list of international banks and financial institutions that have so far categorically expressed their unwillingness to finance the controversial project which is being opposed by local communities and environmental activists.

    The list of banks mentioned include BNP Paribas SA, Credit Agricole SA, Societe Generale SA, Barclays Plc., Citigroup Inc., Deutsche Bank AG, Goldman Sachs Group, Inc., HSBC Holding Plc., J P Morgan Chase & Co., Morgan Stanley and Royal Bank of Scotland Plc. Whereas most of these banks have decided not to be associated with the project on ecological considerations — it is contended that the project may adversely impact the ecosystem of the Great Barrier Reef, one of the seven wonders of the natural world — the economic viability of the project has also been questioned.

    Should the SBI decide not to advance the biggest loan of its kind to an Indian corporate group for an overseas project, the Adani group is exploring other options. Media reports suggest the group is in talks with the Exim Bank of Korea and some Chinese banks to raise over $one billion to part-finance the building of the coal mining part of the project on which an estimated $7.8 billion would be spent.

    However, the more intriguing story is how Gautam Adani, the business magnate who is perceived to be Prime Minister Narendra Modi's blue-eyed boy, could have dared to think as big as he does. He clearly has ambitions to become not just one of this country's biggest tycoons but one who hopes to lead India's biggest multinational conglomerate.

    Gautam Adani has indeed come a long way from the time he dropped out of college. He turns 53 this June. A quarter century ago, he had given up studying in a morning college in Mumbai to start trading in diamonds and plastics. After a successful stint as a diamond trader, he moved to Gujarat's capital Ahmedabad in 1981 to help start a cousin's firm to trade in poly-vinyl chloride (PVC).

    He set up a commodities trading venture in 1988 under Adani Exports, and was successful enough to start hitting the headlines of business papers in his home state. By the mid-1990s, Adani's business successes starting attracting attention, including attention of the unwelcome kind.

    Eighteen years ago, in 1997, he was allegedly abducted by underworld don Fazl-Ur-Rehman alias 'Fazlu Rehman', who is currently lodged in Tihar Central Jail in New Delhi. Rehman and two of his accomplices were accused of kidnapping Adani in a car from the outskirts of Ahmedabad and subsequently released him after extorting ₹15 crore as ransom. Those accused were reportedly acting on behalf of Dubai-based gangster Irfan Goga.

    Rehman has been named as the prime accused in several other high profile extortion cases in Ahmedabad, Delhi and Mumbai, most of them involving businessmen and industrialists. However, he remained out of the clutches of the law after he shifted his base to Dubai. In August 2006, the Delhi police arrested him from Bihar at a place near the India-Nepal border.

    Gautam Adani currently heads a group of companies which comprises India's biggest private operator of ports as well as the country's largest private producer of electricity. In addition, the Adani group has substantial interests in a variety of sectors: coal mining, oil and gas exploration, gas distribution, transmission and distribution of electricity, civil construction and infrastructure, multi-modal logistics, international trade, education, real estate, edible oils and food storage.

    His companies currently trade in over 30 commodities with at least 28 countries. Over the period of a year till September 2014, the market capitalisation of companies in the Adani group (or the prevailing market price of the companies' equity shares multiplied by the total number of shares) zoomed by more than 250 per cent! The Ahmedabad-based businessman had a personal wealth of $ 7.1 billion (or ₹ 43,000 crore) at the end of September 2014, according to Forbes magazine.

    More than his undoubtedly impressive record of corporate conquests, what has attracted considerable attention to Adani is his proximity to Prime Minister Modi. This is hardly surprising. One needs to just search the internet to find a picture that told the proverbial story of a thousand words, a photograph that was splashed across India's newspapers and websites on 22 May 2014.

    The photo depicted Modi leaving Ahmedabad, the biggest city in Gujarat, the state where he had been Chief Minister for nearly 12 years from October 2001 onwards, to travel to New Delhi to be sworn in as Prime Minister of India. His stretched hand waving (presumably to an adulatory home crowd), the colourful logo of the private aircraft he was about to enter was clearly visible in the picture. It said: Adani.

    Gautam Adani's impressive rise as a businessperson has largely coincided with Modi's stewardship of the state. This close relationship was forged on a matrix of mutual interests which also became a template of sorts for Modi's vision for economic development through an industry-led network of corporate-government interactions, often called the "Gujarat model".

    Over a period of 12 months from the time Modi was officially declared the Bharatiya Janata Party's prime ministerial candidate on 13 September 2013, the market price of the share of an important group company, Adani Enterprises, jumped from ₹5 to ₹786 or a whopping 265 per cent. Over a decade, the Adani group's turnover rose more twenty-fold from ₹3,741 crore in 2001-02 to ₹75,659 crore in 2013-14.

    This special Modi-Adani bond, chronologically charted , can be traced back to 2002, the year Gujarat witnessed gruesome communal riots between Hindus and Muslims. After certain businesspersons affiliated to the apex chamber of commerce, the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), criticised Modi, a group of local businessmen led by Adani, established a rival organisation called the Resurgent Group of Gujarat (RGG) and threatened to leave the CII.

    Adani pledged a sum of ₹15,000 crore for the first Vibrant Gujarat summit (that took place in September-October 2003). He thereafter cemented his association with Modi and became his ardent supporter, lobbying for him in India and abroad.

    In March 2013, after it became evident that Modi would be unceremoniously dropped as a keynote speaker at a public function organised at the Wharton School of Business in the United States because of pressure from academics and students opposed to him, the Adani group, one of the main sponsors of the event, withdrew its financial support.

    Critics of Modi allege that the cosy relationship between him and Adani has enabled the latter to bag many lucrative deals in Gujarat. When Modi was Chief Minister of Gujarat, large tracts of land were given to his group at throwaway prices (ranging between ₹one to ₹16 per square metre) to set up India's biggest private port at Mundra on the west coast in violation of environmental norms. Media reports that have not been challenged point out that the Adani group won 30-year-leases for getting 7,350 hectares around Mundra for as little as one cent a square metre and then re-let the land for $11 per sq.m.

    The area also hosts one of India's biggest special economic zones (SEZs) which is supported by the country's largest private railway network. The land in the area was re-sold and/or leased by the Adani group to various other companies, including public sector undertakings like the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) at rates in excess of ₹600 per sq metre. The group was also exempt from payment of all stamp duties for the thousands of acres of land it acquired for the SEZ.

    Despite Adani's political connections, law enforcing agencies have periodically sought to initiate action against companies in his group. On 2 January 2014, the Economic Times reported that the Mumbai unit of Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI) had started an inquiry into allegations of "over-valuation" of capital equipment that had been imported for power projects.

    The agency, part of the Ministry of Finance, is reportedly "investigating gross overvaluation of import of equipment and machinery by various entities of (the) Adani Group from a (United Arab Emirates) UAE-based intermediary", according to an internal report of the DRI that had been prepared in December 2013. This report alleges that "an amount of ₹2,322.75 crore has been siphoned off abroad by (the) Adani Group by resorting to over-valuation of imports in the name of various group firms " .

    The Press Trust of India (PTI) reported on 18 May 2014 (two days after the results of the general elections were announced) that the DRI had slapped a ₹5,500-crore show-cause notice on companies in Adani group for alleged over-valuation of imports of capital equipment. The show-cause notice was issued against three companies in the group: Adani Power Maharashtra, Adani Power Rajasthan and Maharashtra Eastern Grid Power Transmission Company, besides a contracting firm.

    On the day the results were declared and it became known that the BJP led by Modi had won a majority of seats in the Lok Sabha, on 16 May 2014, Gautam Adani had proudly announced that a company in his group, Adani Ports, had agreed to acquire a port at Dhamra, Odisha, for the equivalent of $0.92 billion or nearly ₹6,000 crore.

    The construction of the port at Dhamra (which was earlier being built by a joint venture between the Tata group and Larsen & Toubro) has been opposed by environmental activists, including those affiliated to Greenpeace, for threatening mangroves and the nesting ground of hundreds of thousands of endangered turtles.

    The Adani group had earlier been censured for paying bribes to gain undue favours for its iron ore mining interests in Karnataka. In July 2011, in his report exposing illegal mining in Karnataka, the then Lok Ayukta (or people's ombudsman) of the state Justice Santosh Hegde had indicted Adani Enterprises for having paid "bribes for getting undue favour for illegal exports:.

    Adani Enterprises has port facilities in Karnataka which, the report alleged, were used for illegally exporting iron ore. The Lok Ayukta accused the company of forging permits to transport iron ore. On 30 July 2011, following media reports about the Lok Ayukta's adverse remarks, the market capitalisation of Adani Enterprises fell by over a fifth or ₹22,177 crore in two and half hours of trading. That day, the prices of the shares of two other group companies, Adani Power and Mundra Port & Special Economic Zone (MPSEZ), fell by over 11 per cent and over 7 per cent respectively.

    On 24 November 2014, E.A.S. Sarma, who retired from the Indian Administrative Service as Secretary, Economic Affairs, in the Ministry of Finance and who is now a noted anti-corruption crusader, wrote a letter to the heads of various central investigating agencies (including the Central Vigilance Commission, the DRI and the Central Bureau of Investigation) asking them to investigate allegations of money laundering against companies in the Adani group.

    Sarma pointed out that since the Supreme Court appointed Special Investigation Team on black money is investigating the allegations, the SBI should not have signed the MoU to advance a loan of $one billion loan to the group. He pointed towards several newspaper reports in India and Australia that had raised questions about the ownership structure of Adani group companies (that are meant to execute the project) and their links to offshore accounts.

    Earlier, on 30 March 2012, a report of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India was tabled in the Gujarat legislative assembly that pulled up a state government company, Gujarat State Petroleum Corporation (GSPC), for extending undue benefits to Adani Energy. The report said that poor management by GSPC had led to a loss of over ₹5,000 crore to the exchequer.

    The Gujarat government company had bought natural gas from the open market and sold it to the Adani company at a price lower than the purchase price. The CAG estimated that Adani Energy had received "undue benefit" to the tune of ₹70.54 crore in the process.

    Then, on 26 July 2014, the CAG again slammed the Gujarat government in five different reports for severe mismanagement of the state's financial resources. The reports highlighted financial irregularities amounting to more than ₹25,000 crore, including undue benefits worth ₹1,500 crore to certain companies, one of which is in the Adani group. The CAG said the non-monitoring "of the construction quay in phase 1 of Adani Group-owned Mundra port led to short recovery of ₹118.12 crore."

    On 27 February 2010, The Hindu had reported that the anti-corruption branch of the CBI in Goa had arrested Rajesh Adani, Gautam's brother and Managing Director of Adani Exports Limited in Ahmedabad in connection with a criminal case alleging undervaluation of imports of naphtha and furnace oil in 2005-06 that had caused a loss of ₹1.07crore to the exchequer.

    A criminal case was registered against ten officials of the customs and central excise departments working in Goa. They were accused of being part of a conspiracy to deliberately undervalue the imports.


    NEW DELHI: Returning to the most recent controversy, the Adani group has been in the news of late after the Australian federal government allowed it to develop what will become that country's biggest (and one of the world's biggest) coal mine, as part of a giant $16 billion (nearly ₹1,00,000 crore) project to build a railway line to export the black mineral from Queensland's Galilee Basin to India and elsewhere through the Great Barrier Reef from an expanded port. The project has been opposed by local inhabitants (aborigines) and environmental activists.

    Australia's Fairfax Media has reported that expensive gifts were given by the Adani group to leading politicians, including Prime Minister Tony Abbott, while not suggesting that this was linked to approval of the group's operations. A firm controlled by Australia's richest woman Gina Rinehart has reportedly partnered one of Adani's companies to jointly assess the port expansion.

    With the surge in interest in the Australian media about Adani, Fairfax also published an investigative report into alleged ill-treatment of thousands of construction labourers hired by contractors engaged by the Adani group to build luxury houses on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, Gujarat's most-populous city. Spokespersons of the Adani group stated that it had not violated any law.

    To some, Adani's ambitious proposed investments in Australia in coal mining and the Abbot Point Port challenges the conventions of the coal trading business. On the one hand, much of the coal that is to be exported is meant for India.

    On the other hand, Union Energy Minister Piyush Goyal is keen that this country's stops importing coal altogether — be it from Australia, Indonesia or anywhere else. The reason is that India is said to possess substantial reserves of the mineral even if the quality of coal available in India is inferior to Australian or Indonesian coal.

    Roughly two-thirds of the Carmichael coal, or about 40 million tonnes a year, is meant for India, with about half of the amount intended for Adani's own power plants. According to ABC Radio, Australia has never seen anything like this project. Neither, for that matter, has India.

    When the mine becomes fully operational, it will become the biggest coal mining project in Australia by far (twice the size of the next biggest coal mine) and also one of the largest of its kind anywhere in the world. This "pioneering" project will reportedly pave the way for five other "mega" coal mining projects, including ones to be set up by another Indian conglomerate, the GVK group, and a Chinese group, Macmines.

    Importantly, as the pioneering venture in the Galilee Basin, the Adani project is likely to have a multiplier effect. The rail and port infrastructure will probably bring to life five other proposed mega-mines with a combined capacity to produce 272 million tonnes of coal a year. In fact, the viability of the infrastructure being built depends crucially on these projects taking off, in order to share the cost of the build-up and pay for services.

    In effect, Adani's moves will open up the entire Galilee Basin for mineral exploitation. The Basin is a 250,000 square kilometre area, slightly bigger than the United Kingdom, and is estimated to hold over 27 billion tonnes of coal.

    The Adani group is reportedly facing opposition from native inhabitants. The Wangan and Jagalingou (W&J) Claim Group which represents indigenous traditional owners of the lands had rejected the proposed land use agreement signed in October 2014 by the Queensland government with the Adani group.

    The group has sought legal action in the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) to get a favourable determination. In April 2015, the group issued a statement claiming that it had arrived at an agreement with the natives to provide them benefits from the world's third largest coal mine. This statement was later refuted by a representative of the W&J Claim Group who described the Adani group's statement as "misleading".

    The mine has been staunchly opposed by environmentalists on the ground that it would pollute the ground-water in the region and that carbon emissions would disturb the fragile and unique ecology of the Great Barrier Reef.

    According to the Green Institute of Australia, the lifetime carbon dioxide emissions of the coal mined in the Galilee Basin would conservatively be 24.7 billion tonnes, which is about five per cent of the carbon budget available for the whole world between 2010 and 2050, if the people of the planet are to restrict global temperature increases to within 2 degrees Celsius.

    Environmental scientists argue that the ecology of the Great Barrier Reef is already under pressure. Global warming could adversely affect the area even more. On top of this, the project would result in deposition of mud from the dredging of ports. The there would be dumping of coal dust and coal fragments. The movement of ships would increase the temperature of the water and air.

    Over and above environmental considerations, the commercial viability of the project has also been questioned. Profitable extraction of coal is supposed to start by 2017 after building up the infrastructure. The US-based Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis estimated in 2014 that the cost of coal produced is likely to remain above world prices in the foreseeable future and that full-scale production from the project could be delayed till as late as 2022. Thus, the Adani company could end up losing large amounts in the coming years.

    In mid-November 2014, the heads of government of the Group of 20 (G20) countries met at Brisbane, the capital of Queensland. Prime Minister Modi's business delegation included Gautam Adani and SBI head Arundhati Bhattacharya. On their return journey, the MoU between the bank and the group was signed. Now it seems the agreement may be called off.

    Adani has, by and large, been wary of the media, granting few interviews. In public, he has always been guarded in his remarks. He has claimed that he has always followed the law and that his proximity to politicians is on account of the fact that his firms are involved in infrastructural projects that require government support.

    Those close to him have suggested that he has been targetted by Modi's opponents and envious business rivals. Adani's critics contend that his rise has been on account of his generosity towards political leaders and the prevalence of crony capitalism. Under the benevolent gaze of India's Prime Minister, will the Adani group grow from strength to strength? Or has it bitten off more than what it can chew in Australia?

    While time alone can provide answers to these questions, Modi is evidently not particularly perturbed when his political opponents seek to deride him and describe his government as one that is beholden to the Adanis and the Ambanis. Why?

    After all, nothing in the law of the land prevented Modi from using an aircraft loaned by Adani.

    (Research assistance: Anand Vardhan)


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    Tej Kumar Karki

    To Whom It May Concern


    Complete rescue-and-relief operation

    2)Impose 2 year moratorium (freezing of new construction in the valley for 2 years)

    3)Prepare resettlement and rehabilitation plan for displaced victims, and shelter them immediately

    4)Prepare strong zoning law to control overcrowding and create adequate open space for emergency needs

    5)Assess earthquake caused building structure failure and revise building codes and create strong enforcement mechanism

    6)Lift the moratorium, that is, lift ban on new construction

    7)Create earthquake resistant city in the outskirts of Kathmandu—to decongest overpopulated city center

    8)Reduce density in old towns—create more opens spaces and squares for future relief operations demolish old vulnerable buildings, engage community for reconstructing safer neighborhoods

    9)  Provide incentives to citizens for installing solar panels for home energy use and emergency energy needs

    Provide incentives for every resident to have tents in their possession so that they could stay outdoor for future quakes.

    1 Increase the runway capacity of the Kathmandu Airport 

    reCreate more alternative big International Airports in east and west regions to ease relief operation and provide alternative to Kathmandu airport.

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    Press note Ektaparishad Fasting जमीन सिर्फ उद्योगपतियों की नही, देश की जनता की है : राजेन्द्र सिंह

    दिनांक : 28 अप्रैल, 2015
    प्रेस विज्ञप्ति
    संपादक महोदय,

    ऽ    जमीन सिर्फ उद्योगपतियों की नही, देश की जनता की है : राजेन्द्र सिंह
    ऽ    15 लाख की जमीन डेढ़ लाख में अधिग्रहित कर रही है सरकार : लक्ष्मण सिंह
    ऽ    भूमि के मुद्दे पर राजगोपाल का उपवास जारी

    भोपाल। पहले जिनके पास जमीन नहीं थी, वे जमीन हासिल करने के लिए लड़ाई लड़ रहे थे, अब किसानों को अपनी जमीन बचाने के लिए लड़ाई लड़नी पड़ रही है। न तो भूमिहीनों को जमीन मिल रहा है और न ही सरकार किसानों की जमीन को सुरक्षित रखने का कानून ला रही है। भूमि अधिग्रहण अध्यादेश पूंजीपतियों को लाभ दिलाने के लिए लाया गया है। इसके खिलाफ संघर्ष चल रहा है। जमीन सिर्फ अडानी, अंबानी या दूसरे उद्योगपतियों के लिए नहीं है, बल्कि जमीन पूरे देश की जनता की है। मोदी ऐसे तानाशाह हैं, जो किसी की नहीं सुनते।

    उक्त बातें आज जल बिरादरी से जुड़े पर्यावरणविद् राजेन्द्र सिंह ने एकता परिषद द्वारा मध्यप्रदेश में जमीन संबंधी समस्याओं के निराकरण नहीं होने पर प्रसिद्ध गांधीवादी एवं एकता प्रसिद्ध के संस्थापक राजगोपाल पी.व्ही. व अन्य 20 साथियों द्वारा भोपाल के नीलम पार्क में चल रहे चार दिवसीय उपवास और धरने के समर्थन में कही। धरने में प्रदेश भर से आए सैकड़ों किसान शामिल हैं। श्री सिंह ने कहा कि जल, जंगल और जमीन को बाजार के नजरिए से देखने के कारण ऐसे कानून सरकारें ला रही हैं, जिससे वंचित समुदाय के अधिकारों को खत्म किया जा रहा है।

    प्रदेश कांग्रेस उपाध्यक्ष एवं पूर्व सांसद लक्ष्मण सिंह ने धरने को समर्थन देते हुए सभा में कहा कि सरकार किसानों की जमीन जबर्दस्ती अधिग्रहण करने के लिए कानून ला रही है। 15 लाख की जमीन की कीमत सरकार डेढ़ लाख रुपए लगा रही है। प्रदेश सरकार राजगढ़ में सौर ऊर्जा संयंत्र के लिए 6000 एकड़ जमीन लेना चाहती है, पर हम उसका विरोध कर रहे हैं। सोहावलपुर में एक नदी को सरकार ने कंपनी को दे दिया अब वह कंपनी किसानों को नदी से पानी नहीं लेने दे रही है। आज देश में भूमि अधिग्रहण कानून की नहीं बल्कि संपत्ति अधिग्रहण कानून की जरूरत है। सारे दौलतमंदों की संपत्ति अधिग्रहित कर जरूरतमंदों को देना चाहिए।

    उपवास एवं धरने में देश एवं प्रदेश के वरिष्ठ राजनेता एवं सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं का समर्थन लगातार बढ़ रहा है। प्रदेश के विभिन्न संगठन एवं राजनीतिक दल धरने पर आकर समर्थन व्यक्त कर रहे हैं। प्रदेश कांग्रेस के मुख्य प्रवक्ता के.के. मिश्रा, कांग्रेस नेता मुकेश नायक, किसान नेता शिवकुमार शर्मा, राजनेता शरद कुमरे सहित कई लोगों ने समर्थन व्यक्त किया। श्री राजगोपाल ने कहा कि समग्र विकास के लिए भूमि सुधार आयोग एवं टास्क फोर्स आज की सबसे बड़ी जरूरत है। एकता परिषद के राष्ट्रीय संयोजक अनीष कुमार ने बताया कि कल सुबह 10 बजे शाहजहांनी पार्क से 2000 लोगों की रैली निकाली जाएगी और 11 बजे से नीलम पार्क में आम सभ कर उपवास का समापन किया जाएगा।


    दीपक अग्रवाल, प्रांतीय संयोजक, एकता परिषद, मोबाइल - 9425735037



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    Independence and Social Justice

    The Ambedkar–Gandhi Debate

    Taking exception to Arundhati Roy's "The Doctor and the Saint," this article seeks to add to our understanding of the B R Ambedkar-M K Gandhi debate. It does not attempt to analyse or assess the debate as such, disavowing any desire to confront either Gandhi or Ambedkar. But it makes no secret of the fact that it disagrees with Roy, going so far as to insinuate that the chief purpose of "The Doctor and the Saint" was to demolish Gandhi.

    Rajmohan Gandhi ( is with the Center for Global Studies, University of Illinois, the US.

    This piece is a response to Arundhati Roy's "The Doctor and the Saint," which appeared in March 2014 as an introduction to a new edition of B R Ambedkar's Annihilation of Caste, first published in 1936, but it also bears an indirect connection to the historic debate between Ambedkar and M K Gandhi, which took place during a period well removed from our times.

    The two were involved in a positive, if impersonal, relationship during the 1920s. Though they did not meet each other in this period, Ambedkar appreciated Gandhi's concern for the plight of Dalits and welcomed the method of satyagraha that he had introduced. However, the 1930s saw sharp, and, from a historian's standpoint, revealing, exchanges between the two.

    The first face-to-face meeting between Ambedkar and Gandhi took place in Mumbai in 1931, shortly before their piercing verbal encounters. Begun in the autumn of 1931 in a well-lit London arena (the Round Table Conference (RTC) on India's political future, convened by the British prime minister), these encounters continued in 1932 in a dark Pune prison, where the British had incarcerated Gandhi, and where a successful negotiation took place. Robust exchanges were, however, resumed before the public in the mid-1930s, mainly via the press.

    The Ambedkar–Gandhi debate was interrupted by Gandhi's frequent imprisonments. From 1922 to 1924, from 1932 to 1934, and again from 1942 to 1944, Gandhi was behind imperial bars. In contrast, Ambedkar, who believed that the battle for social democracy was more important than the fight for national independence, was not only never jailed by the British, but also included in the viceroy's executive council from 1942 to 1945.

    In the summer of 1945, Ambedkar published What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, a strong attack on Gandhi and on the Congress movement led by him. Absorbed from 1944 in what turned out to be a losing battle to avert partition, Gandhi offered no reply himself to Ambedkar's 1945 charges, but he encouraged Ambedkar Refuted, a short tract written by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari.

    The period from 1947 to 1951 saw an unexpected—and, from any perspective, remarkable—rapprochement between Ambedkar on the one hand and Gandhi, who was killed in 1948, deputy premier Vallabhbhai Patel, who lived until the end of 1950, and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who lived until 1964, on the other. This accord resulted in Ambedkar's entry to free India's first cabinet and his leadership of the Constitution-drafting process, culminating in the 1950 Constitution.

    However, in 1951, Ambedkar resigned from the cabinet. In the 1952 elections, and again in a by-election in 1954, he opposed the Congress, losing on both occasions. Shortly before his death in 1956, he led hundreds of thousands of fellow Dalits out of Hinduism into the faith and vision of the Buddha.

    By any standard, the Gandhi–Ambedkar relationship is a fascinating story. Many, including this writer, have looked at it (1995, 2006) and many more will in future. The Ambedkar–Gandhi debate is a vital part of that relationship and an important subject in itself.

    However, the pages that follow do not seek to analyse or assess the Ambedkar–Gandhi debate, though I hope they might add to our understanding of it. And although these pages will touch on the Gandhi–Ambedkar relationship, analysing that relationship is hardly their chief purpose. I disavow any desire, in these pages, to confront either Gandhi or Ambedkar. However, I confess to a wish—call it temerity—to confront Roy.

    I must admit that it took me a while, when reading "The Doctor and the Saint," to understand its chief purpose. A discussion of the thesis of Annihilation of Caste is not her focus. Nor, certainly, is the Gandhi–Ambedkar relationship. Not even the Ambedkar–Gandhi debate. "The Doctor and the Saint" comes across mainly as a fierce indictment of the Mahatma, with indications here and there that the demolition of Gandhi is its true aim.

    Many Dalits appear to have censured "The Doctor and the Saint," not so much for its disagreements with Ambedkar, but largely, it would seem, because three-fourths of its text is about Gandhi, and only one-fourth about Ambedkar. Roy has only used Ambedkar to attack Gandhi. There is nothing necessarily illegitimate with that, except that she has not been upfront about her intention.

    Not everyone agrees with all the unpopular stands Roy has taken, but many (including this writer) may agree with one or two of them. Since what Roy says carries weight with several good people, I thought it necessary to point out some of the flaws in her attacks on Gandhi. Before doing so, I should, of course, acknowledge that Gandhi merits criticism, including on some of the points underlined by Roy.

    Though Gandhi constantly asked caste Hindus to repent for the great sins of untouchability and caste superiority, he only rarely led or encouraged direct struggles for Dalit rights, whereas he led and triggered a large number of direct battles for Indian independence. During his South African phase, he struggled for Indian rights, not directly for black rights. These are undeniable—if also well-known—truths, and Roy has every right to reiterate them.

    I should freely concede something else. Some of Roy's unreasonable attacks may have resulted from a lack of knowledge. She has not been a Gandhi scholar for any length of time. The omissions in "The Doctor and the Saint" constitute the text's most serious weaknesses. These gaps prevent its readers from feeling, with mental fingers, the true textures of India's intertwined movements for national freedom and social justice in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, and the tensions between the two.

    I would like to argue that the narration in "The Doctor and the Saint" of the Gandhi–Ambedkar relationship, which saw both conflict and partnership, is seriously flawed. Even if examining it was not the central purpose of Roy's text, this relationship features in it.

    I would also like to show that Roy's attacks violate the principles of historical debate. These principles require, first, that attacks on a statement that X or Y or even a Mahatma may have made 50 or 100 years ago should provide the context in which the statement was made. Second, the norms require that pertinent information is not scissored out.

    Omitting Facts

    Consider an allegation such as the following in "The Doctor and the Saint.""[Gandhi's] duality allowed him to support and be supported by big industry and big dams as well" (p 49). To this assertion, Roy appends a long endnote, where she claims that

    Gandhi's approach to big dams is revealed in a letter (5 April 1924) in which he advised villagers who faced displacement by the Mulshi Dam, then being built by the Tatas to generate electricity, ... to give up their protest (pp 151–52).

    What are the facts? Roy omits a salient one, which is that three years earlier, in April 1921, when displaced villagers first began their satyagraha against what was then only a proposed dam, Gandhi had penned a biting, if also courteously worded, challenge to the Tatas in his journal, Young India.

    I wish the great house of the Tatas, instead of standing on their legal rights, will reason with the people themselves, and do whatever they wish in consultation with them ... What is the value of all the boons that the Tata scheme claims to confer on India, if it is to be at the unwilling expense of even one poor man?

    I dare say the problem of disease and poverty can be easily solved, and the survivors will live in luxury, if the three crore half-starved men and women, and lakhs of the decrepit humanity, were shot and their bodies utilized for manure ... And yet nobody but a lunatic will put up such a suggestion. Is the case any weaker when men and women are not to be shot but compulsorily disposed of their valued lands, [around] which sentiment, romance and all that makes life worth living, have grown up?

    I suggest to the custodians of the great name that they would more truly advance India's interests if they will defer to the wishes of their weak and helpless countrymen (CW 20: 40–41, 27 April 1921).

    The Tatas went ahead nonetheless. In less than a year, Gandhi was sent to prison—not for his views on the Mulshi Dam, but for sedition against the king of England. By the time he was released, the dam was half completed, and as Gandhi put it in the letter that Roy does quote in her endnote, "the vast majority" of displaced villagers had accepted compensation. Moreover, the leader of the still-continuing satyagraha was not, in Gandhi's view, committed to non-violence. Stating all this, Gandhi advised that the satyagraha be dropped.

    Whether or not this advice was sufficiently pro-peasant or sufficiently anti-dam is a fair question, which may elicit a variety of answers. (It would also call for genuine research.) Yet, Roy's suppression of Gandhi's remarkably strong and public words to the Tatas regarding the Mulshi Dam disqualifies her as a judge, while also obliging us to be hugely sceptical when, elsewhere in the text, Roy suggests that Gandhi was soft with the Tatas.

    As for another famous business house from those and continuing times—the Birlas—Roy has this comment on Ghanshyamdas Birla, who often hosted Gandhi. In 1915, when Gandhi returned from South Africa, says Roy, Birla "organised a grand reception in Calcutta, ... became Gandhi's chief patron and paid him a generous monthly retainer...Gandhi's arrangement with G D Birla lasted for the rest of his days" (pp 88–89). Roy does not provide any sources for this assertion.

    Here is another account, that of Birla. When Gandhi arrived in Calcutta in 1915, a 21-year-old Ghanshyamdas and a few others unharnessed the horses in the carriage sent to the railway station to fetch Gandhi and pulled the carriage themselves. Four decades later, after Gandhi's death, Birla recounted this first meeting to a Kolkata gathering, and also referred to a conversation they had had.

    I informed him that I would ... send him a monthly donation ... 'Fine,' he replied. Look what I did—it was very silly of me! I said, 'Very good then. I'll expect a monthly letter from you.' He retorted saying, 'Does this mean I have to come to you with a begging bowl every month?' I felt so ashamed.

    I asked Gandhiji, 'If I write to you, will you reply?''Of course,' he said. Just to test him, I wrote a letter to him four or five days after he'd left. He replied—on a postcard (Birla nd).

    Each of us can decide which account—Roy's or Birla's—carries a truer ring.

    Courageous Dalits of Mahad

    Ignorance cannot explain Roy's near total suppression of Gandhi's comment on the Mahad satyagraha of 1927. This was conducted in western Maharashtra under Ambedkar's leadership. A large number of Dalits had been denied access to a tank of water in Mahad, and as part of their satyagraha, they surged forward in unison and drank its water. Thereafter, they were attacked with sticks and clubs by infuriated groups of the orthodox class.

    Ambedkar, who was present in Mahad, wisely asked his people not to hit back. As Roy concedes (p 107), Gandhi wrote "approvingly of the Untouchables' composure in the face of the attacks." However, Gandhi had said much more than that in the Young India article cited by her, and therefore, one assumes, read by her.

    Praising the Dalits'"exemplary self-restraint," Gandhi wrote that, the "so-called orthodox party," not having reason on its side, had used "sheer brute force." Gandhi went on in an article in Young India on 28 April 1927,

    Dr Ambedkar, [was] fully justified in putting to the test the resolution of the Bombay Legislative Council and the Mahad Municipality by advising the so-called Untouchables to go to the tank to quench their thirst.

    The Mahatma also urged "every Hindu opposed to untouchability" to publicly defend the courageous Dalits of Mahad "even at the risk of getting his head broken" (CW 33: 268).

    This, again, is radical stuff. Roy deliberately hides it.

    These are only a few examples of the numerous concealments in "The Doctor and the Saint" regarding Gandhi and Dalit rights. Here is one more. While Roy concedes (p 123) that the Indian National Congress's (INC) Karachi resolution of 1931 on equal rights for all—a forerunner of the equality pledged in India's 1950 Constitution—was a "valuable, enlightened document," she avoids mentioning that Gandhi had played a principal role in its drafting.

    Here is another. She names "the beloved Bhakti poets...of the anticaste tradition"—"Cokhamela, Ravidas, Kabir, Tukaram, Mira, Janaba" (p 37). (Her spelling of Mahar poet Chokhamela's name is incorrect.) But, of course, she will not inform her readers that several of these were among Gandhi's favourite poets too, or that their songs were frequently sung in his ashrams and prayer meetings.

    Sin of Untouchability

    At the time of Gandhi's death, India remained caste-ridden and continued to ill-treat Dalits. Indian society has not changed radically in the decades since. Yet, Gandhi's words and deeds contributed to the change that has occurred.

    In South Africa, a young Gandhi interpreted the discrimination against Indians as a just reward for untouchability in India. In May 1907, in an article in Indian Opinion, Gandhi wrote of "the wicked superstitions about untouchability" and of how "in India some of us oppress the bhangis and force them to...speak in obsequious language" (CW 7: 470). When satyagraha sent many Indians to prison in South Africa, he rebuked those who refused to eat food touched by Dalits or sleep near them (CW 9: 181).

    On 16 February 1916, a year after returning to India, this is what Gandhi said about untouchability in a public speech in Madras. "Every affliction that we labour under in this sacred land is a fit and proper punishment for this great and indelible crime that we are committing" (CW 13: 232–33). When orthodoxy attacked him, this is how Gandhi replied in Godhra (Gujarat) in November 1917. "I shall continue to be my own guru...It is no good quoting verses from Manusmriti and other scriptures in defence of this orthodoxy. A number of verses...are apocryphal, a number of them are quite meaningless" (CW 14: 73–77). Reiterating his position that verses quoted from scripture could not override the individual conscience, he added that verses from scripture "cannot be above reason and morality" (CW 14: 345).

    A year later, in April 1918, in a preface to a book of poems by Gujarati writer Padhiar describing the cruel treatment of Dalits, Gandhi asked for the poems to be "read out to men and women in their millions, in the same way that works like the Bhagavat are read out to them in every square" (CW 14: 344–45).

    Two years later, after the non-cooperation movement was launched, he said through his article in Young India in November 1920, "We shall be unfit to gain Swaraj so long as we keep in bondage a fifth of the population" (CW 19: 20). Before the year 1920 ended, Gandhi ensured that the removal of untouchability was made an integral part of the political programme of the INC. This had not happened until then, and Gandhi's role was acknowledged by Ambedkar in his 1945 book against Gandhi.

    After the non-cooperation movement for swaraj was launched in 1920, and national schools were opened, Gandhi's orthodox foes in Gujarat attacked him in violent language because he refused to bar Dalits from these schools. Through the press, in letters, and via a whispering campaign, these men warned Gandhi that unless Dalits were excluded, they would support the raj and kill the swaraj movement. They also alleged that Gandhi's interest in Dalits was borrowed from his Christian friends, in particular from Rev Charles Andrews.

    Gandhi's response was twofold. First, in his Gujarati weekly, Navajivan, on 5 December 1920, he expressed confidence that "God will vouchsafe me the strength to reject the swaraj which may be won by abandoning theAntyajas" (CW 19: 73). (Antyaja was at this time the word that many used for Dalits.)

    Second, writing to Andrews and then in public speeches, Gandhi recalled the start of his work against untouchability. To Andrews, in a letter dated 29 January 1921, he said,

    I began this work in SA—before I ever heard of you and I was conscious of the sin of untouchability before I came under other Christian influences in SA. The truth came to me when I was yet a child. I used to laugh at my dear mother for making us to bathe if we brothers touched any pariah. It was in 1897 that I was prepared in Durban to turn Mrs Gandhi away from the house because she would not treat on a footing of equalityLawrence who she knew belonged to the pariah class and whom I had invited to stay with me (CW 19: 288–90).

    Andrews having expressed keenness for Gandhi's focus against untouchability to remain strong and sustained, Gandhi added the following in the same letter.

    You are doing an injustice to me in even allowing yourself to think that for a single moment I may be subordinating the question [of untouchability] to any others. .... It is a bigger problem than that of gaining Indian independence, but I can tackle it better if I gain the latter on the way (CW 19: 288–90; emphasis added).

    Three months later, on 13 April 1921, Gandhi addressed a Suppressed Classes Conference in Ahmedabad. He said,

    I was hardly yet 12 when this idea had dawned on me. A scavenger named Uka, an 'untouchable,' used to attend our house for cleaning latrines. Often I would ask my mother ... why I was forbidden to touch him? If I accidentally touched Uka, I was asked to perform the ablutions, and though I naturally obeyed, it was not without smilingly protesting ... I often had tussles with [my parents] on this matter. I told my mother that she was entirely wrong in considering physical contact with Uka as sinful (CW 19: 572).

    Exactly two years earlier, the Jallianwala Bagh massacre had taken place, under the aegis of Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer and Governor Michael O'Dwyer. Recalling that massacre in this speech to the Suppressed Classes Conference, he added,

    What crimes for which we condemn the government as Satanic have not we been guilty of towards our 'untouchable' brethren? ... We make them crawl on their bellies, we have made them rub their noses on the ground; with eyes red with rage we push them out of railway compartments—what more than this has British rule done? What charge that we bring against Dyer and O'Dwyer may not others and even our people lay at our door? (CW 19: 572).

    Roy does not allow her readers to know anything contained in the preceding paragraphs. It is also a fact, however, and one that Ambedkar would justifiably underline, that the fight against untouchability did not gather adequate momentum in the 1920s. It did not because of the rigidity of Indian society, and also because Gandhi and his colleagues had other tough goals which they were striving to reach, including swaraj and Hindu–Muslim unity.

    Separate Dalit Electorate

    On 2 August 1931, shortly before he was to go to London for the round table conference, and around the time when he and Ambedkar, who too was going to London, had their first meeting (in Mumbai), Gandhi made a significant statement in Ahmedabad.

    If we came into power with the stain of untouchability unaffected, I am positive that the 'untouchables' would be worse off under that 'Swaraj' than they are now, for the simple reason that our weaknesses and our failings would then be buttressed by the accession of power (Pyarelal 1932: 303).

    Gandhi was admitting here that swaraj would give India's upper castes political power in addition to the social and economic power they already enjoyed, and thus make Dalits "worse off." Since the swaraj goal could not be abandoned, the solution, as Gandhi saw it, was to attack untouchability alongside the struggle for swaraj.

    At the London conference, Gandhi and Ambedkar had their famous clash over separate versus joint electorates. If the raj could provide separate electorates for Sikhs, Muslims, and India's Europeans, why not a separate Dalit electorate? Gandhi answered with a counter-question, "Sikhs may remain as such in perpetuity, so may Mohammedans, so may Europeans. Will untouchables remain untouchables in perpetuity?" (CW 48: 298).

    But there was something more worrying, a hurtful reality. Here is how Gandhi described that reality in London on 31 October 1931 at Friends House, the Quaker centre in Euston:

    The 'untouchables' are in the hands of superior classes. They can suppress them completely and wreak vengeance upon the 'untouchables' who are at their mercy. I may be opening out my shame to you. But ... how can I invite utter destruction for them? I would not be guilty of that crime (CW 48: 258).

    Gandhi said before the Minorities Committee of the RTC that "he would not sell the vital interests of the untouchables even for the sake of winning the freedom of India." He claimed (on 13 November 1931) that those demanding the separate electorate "do not know their India, do not know how Indian society is today constructed" (CW 48: 297–98).

    Though Roy devotes several pages to the Gandhi–Ambedkar debate in London, she carefully expunges the sentences I have quoted.

    Ambedkar's demand for a separate Dalit electorate was backed by many round table conference delegates in London, most of whom were nominated by the raj. A separate electorate could be introduced, the raj indicated. Gandhi declared he would, if need arose, fast unto death against it.

    Selective and Prejudiced

    A good chunk of "The Doctor and the Saint" is devoted to Gandhi's oft-discussed and undoubtedly deplorable ignorance and condescension regarding black South Africans during some of his time in South Africa. However, here too Roy is carefully selective. Thus she totally leaves out a notable 1908 speech that Gandhi had made on the subject in Johannesburg during a period when he entertained high hopes of the British Empire:

    It seems to me that both the Africans and the Asiatics have advanced the Empire as a whole; we can hardly think of South Africa without the African races ... South Africa would probably be a howling wilderness without the African races ... They (the African races) are still in the history of the world's learners. Able-bodied and intelligent men as they are, they cannot but be an asset to the Empire.

    It is well for me to be a loyal subject of the Empire, but not I hope as a member of the subject race.

    If we look into the future, is it not a heritage we have to leave to posterity, that all the different races commingle and produce a civilisation that perhaps the world has not yet seen? (CW 8: 242–46).

    This is from a well-known speech given at the YMCA in Johannesburg, reproduced at the time in two issues of Indian Opinion (6 and 13 June 1908), included later in the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, and discussed in more than one modern study, but Roy is either unaware of it (so much, in that case, for her diligence) or she does not want others to learn of it. Though hardly revolutionary by today's standards, the speech was ahead of the times in which it was made. Not many Indians in South Africa or in India spoke in 1908 or later of the "commingling" of "all the different races." In fact, few people anywhere did; not very many will even today.

    Gandhi's prejudices at that time (which almost all his contemporaries shared) should be frankly faced, but why does Roy cover up the more favourable side of the ledger, which was rare for its time?

    Predictably, Roy also leaves out Gandhi's well-documented friendship with John Dube, one of the founders of the African National Congress (ANC), whose centre near Durban was not far from Phoenix, where Gandhi established his first ashram. Like Gandhi, Dube too hesitated to support the Zulu Rebellion of 1906 and said, in fact, that "we should...assist the government to suppress the rebellion" (quoted in Reddy 1995: 21). Heroic yet also tragic, that rebellion bore similarities to India's 1857 rising, from which contemporaries such as Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and Syed Ahmad Khan kept their distance, and which another contemporary—Jyotiba Phule—openly opposed.

    Roy speaks of Gandhi's alleged "disdain" for blacks (p 83), but fails to mention that Gandhi's offensive remarks were provoked by the shocking conduct witnessed by him of men convicted for serious crimes, with whom he shared his prison cell.

    Gandhi's stance regarding South Africa's blacks was influenced by the circumstances and prejudices and also the equations of his time. Since blacks lay at the lowest rung of South Africa's political and social ladder, Gandhi's fight for Indian equality with whites necessarily, if also regrettably, called for separating Indians from blacks. This angle is of no interest to Roy.

    Nelson Mandela, whom Roy professes to admire (p 87), wrote the following in a 1995 publication, "Gandhi had been initially shocked that Indians were classified with Natives in prison ... All in all, Gandhi must be forgiven these prejudices in the context of the time and the circumstances."

    "The context of the time" is precisely what Roy cuts away. Thus, she makes much of, and derides, Gandhi's caution regarding a premature African–Indian alliance (pp 74–75). Yet, her readers should know that in 1913, Dube, the first ANC president, thought that black resistance along the lines adopted by Indians under Gandhi would fail—he believed that blacks would lose discipline under provocation, and that white reprisal would be devastating (quoted in Patel 1989: 216–17). Interviewed in 1976, another founding member of the ANC, Selby Msimang, also thought that the African leadership of Gandhi's time "would, in any case, have found Indian politics too radical to countenance an alliance" (Swan 1985: 133).

    However, such acknowledgements would belie the picture that Roy wishes to present.

    In Yeravada jail in Poona, where he had been detained from 1922 to 1924, Gandhi made friends with Adan, a Somali prisoner who had become a warder. An incident involving Adan was observed by Gandhi's prison mate and occasional critic, Indulal Yagnik, who described it in a 1943 book, Gandhi As I Knew Him.

    One evening our Negro warder from Somaliland was bitten by a scorpion on his hand. He gave a shout. Mr Gandhi was quickly on the spot ... He first asked for a knife to cut the wound and to let out the poison. But he found the knife dirty. So missing no moment he quickly washed the area around the wound and applying his lips to the wound began to suck out the poison. He went on spitting after sucking and eventually stopped when Adan felt relief (Yagnik 1943: 303).

    Was this the reaction of one who "disdained" blacks? Not that Roy would ask such a question, or even let her readers know that Gandhi reacted thus. She also suppresses or belittles Gandhi's increasing willingness to write openly of black rights.

    On 22 July 1926, Gandhi declared in Young India that he could not think of "justice being done to Indians [in South Africa] if none is rendered to the natives of the soil" (CW 31: 181–82). Two years later, when a few Indians in South Africa objected to a plan to send Indian students to Fort Hare College, which had been established for Africans, Gandhi, in an article in Young India on 5 April 1928, likened the reaction to what "is expressed by the South African whites in respect of ourselves," adding, "Indians ... cannot exist in South Africa for any length of time without the active sympathy and friendship of the Africans" (CW 36: 190).

    In 1939, he told a visiting black leader from South Africa, Rev S S Tema, that Africans "are the sons of the soil who are being robbed of their inheritance;" theirs was "a far bigger issue" than that of South Africa's Indians (Harijan, 18 Feb 1939; CW 68: 272–74). By 1946, Gandhi felt that the time for a common African–Indian front had arrived.

    Gandhi's Merry Side

    Here I ask myself, why bother to show Roy's unconcern with the real Gandhi? After all, she has hinted at her aim with "The Doctor and the Saint." She desires, she says, to "rearrange the stars in our firmament" (p 140), not to analyse or understand Gandhi. She wants to shoot Gandhi down from the sky, not get to know him. She wants—in her own words, expressed not in "The Doctor and the Saint" but at a meeting where she tried to explain her text—to "move the Gandhi monument out of the way," in order, she says, that Ambedkar may be better understood and honoured (Roy 2014a).

    It is not a tribute to Ambedkar to say that his legacy depends on the destruction of Gandhi's.

    I should also ask—what provoked this strong dislike in Roy? Was it Gandhi's lifestyle? Or his oft-expressed belief that despite their conflicts, human beings—and races, castes, classes and nations—should find solutions that allow bitterness to melt?

    "The Doctor and the Saint" makes clear Roy's total disapproval of what she thinks to be Gandhi's lifestyle. According to her, Gandhi "left his followers with a legacy of a joyless, joke-free world: no desire, no sex, ... no food, no beads, no nice clothes, no dance, no poetry. And very little music" (p 81).

    How truthful is this picture? The "very little music" that she reluctantly concedes to the Gandhi legacy was actually a daily affair in his life, morning and evening. True, it was religious or spiritual music, yet Gandhi had an ear for song and, in fact, possessed a decent singing voice, which fellow ashramites and fellow prisoners spoke of.

    It is true, too, that the ballroom dancing (and violin) lessons he took in London as a student were later never put into practice, but no one who spoke as often as Gandhi did of "dancing with joy" could have been an enemy of dance. And although Roy may not be aware, Gandhi frequently quoted poetry in his journals—English, Hindi, Bengali, Urdu, or Gujarati poetry.

    As for his "joyless, joke-free" world, here is what William Shirer, the American author of Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,said, referring to a time that he and a few others had spent with Gandhi. "In no time at all Gandhi had us all laughing and completely at our ease ... If in this world of varied personalities there is a single man even half as charming as Gandhi, I have not seen him (quoted in Jack 1956: 399).

    And he enjoyed others' jokes. Writing, in 1932, from a Pune prison to Srinivasa Sastri, Gandhi said, "Sardar Vallabhbhai is with me. His jokes make me laugh until I can laugh no more, not once but several times a day" (Parikh 2: 91–92). Everyone who spent more than a few minutes with Gandhi came away with stories of his merry side.

    Like some others in history who took on daunting goals, Gandhi had strict views on sex. Many will disagree with those views, but the dreary Gandhi painted by Roy was never encountered by his friends or foes. Such a Gandhi never existed.

    Condescending and Incorrect

    In the course of demolishing Gandhi, Roy pauses to describe him as "perhaps the most consummate politician the modern world has ever known" (p 58). Since most politicians usually nurse a clear aim, at least at any given time, we may ask, what was the goal towards which Gandhi applied his "consummate" skills?

    Roy refrains from providing her own clear views regarding this, though here and there she insinuates that Gandhi was not really pro-poor and that equality was not his real goal. Yet, it is not enough a "consummate politician" know what, allegedly, he does not want. He must know what he wants.

    At one point, Roy appears to inch towards understanding something about Gandhi's goal. She writes,

    Gandhi returned to India in 1915 after 20 years of political activity in South Africa, and plunged into the national movement. His first concern, as any politician's would be, was to stitch together the various constituencies that would allow the Indian National Congress to claim it was the legitimate and sole representative of the emerging nation (p 58; emphasis added).

    She is hugely condescending here, and in some respects quite incorrect.

    Gandhi was not part of the INC when he arrived in India in 1915. But he was perhaps the only Indian at that time with a conscious goal of involving all Indians—caste Hindus, Dalits, Muslims, peasants and industrial labour—in a national movement; the first person striving to enlist people from outside his or her linguistic/cultural region; the first person to insist on using local languages to reach the ordinary Indian; and perhaps the first person who was determined to get to know the whole land of India and as many as possible of its people. As for his "plunging into the national movement," it might be fairer to say that in 1919–20 he created a national movement into which he and others plunged headlong.

    But the "stitching together" notion is apt for Gandhi.

    His imperial foes—men such as Winston Churchill, Lord Linlithgow and Archibald Wavell—were never in two minds as to Gandhi's purpose, all of them agreeing that ending British rule was his dominant passion. While Churchill's antipathy towards Gandhi is well known, not many may be aware that in 1947, Wavell, the British commander-in-chief during the Quit India movement and viceroy from 1943 to 1947, called Gandhi "an implacable foe of Empire" and the "most formidable" of the opponents "who have detached portions of the British Empire in recent years" (Moon 1973: 439).

    Now, here is the interesting—actually damning—thing about Roy's text. In the 153-page demolition exercise, Roy mentions the freedom struggle not at all and the "national movement" only once or twice. This great context of the debates on caste, class, race and gender that "The Doctor and the Saint" fervently (and selectively) discusses is missing altogether.

    That context meant that Indians, pained and shamed not just by Indian injustices but also by alien rule, were obliged to prioritise. Time and again, they had to choose between struggling against an Indian oppression and struggling against European subjugation. Or, they alternated and oscillated between the two.

    In the last quarter of the 18th century, some persons of conscience in what until then was Britain's American colony had also been forced to prioritise. Should they focus their energies on opposing slavery or on ending British rule? In the end, independence attracted more American energy than opposing slavery, which, in fact, was even subtly codified into the US Constitution.1 It was only in 1865, shortly before the South surrendered in the Civil War, that slavery was declared illegal.

    As for that war, President Abraham Lincoln thought, along with many other Americans, that the Union had to be preserved, and the South's secession ended, before slavery could be abolished. Ambedkar, who obtained a PhD at Columbia University in New York, was well aware of this (1945: 271).

    The India that Gandhi and his generation faced also presented more than one challenge to people with a conscience. To name three, India was a subject nation ruled by aliens; Indian society practised untouchability; and there was the Hindu–Muslim divide.

    Although, as we have seen, Gandhi's imperial foes saw him primarily as an enemy of British rule, all of us know that he also embraced the struggles against untouchability and for Hindu–Muslim friendship. He was stitching together India's divided constituencies.

    Unusual Human Being

    Gandhi was a prisoner of the empire in Pune's Yeravada jail when, in September 1932, he announced a fast of indefinite duration, directed at the separate Dalit electorate as well as at the caste Hindu conscience. Meeting in Bombay a day before the fast ended, India's most influential caste Hindu leaders resolved that "one of the earliest Acts of the Swaraj Parliament" would be to assure "untouchables" equal access to "public wells, public schools, public roads and all other public institutions" (CW 51: 159–60). Pressured by Gandhi's fast, they signed a historic, if overdue, pledge.

    While Ambedkar would note this pledge (1945: 103), Roy banishes it from her survey. Across India, goaded by Gandhi's fast, temples closed for centuries to the "untouchables" opened their doors. Brahmins invited Dalits to meals in their homes. The empire, on its part, opened the doors of Yeravada prison, and Ambedkar went in to confer with Gandhi.

    A settlement was reached. Gandhi not only agreed to what he had earlier opposed, namely, reserved seats for Dalits in legislatures, he also said that Dalits should have seats in proportion to their population. In its scheme of separate–electorate–cum–reserved Dalit seats, the raj had prescribed only half that number of seats. From his side, to save Gandhi's life, Ambedkar agreed to give up his demand for a separate electorate where only Dalits would have voted for or against Dalit candidates. Finding common ground, the two agreed on their pact. A cable went to London, where his majesty's government accepted the joint proposal, and Gandhi broke his fast. The essence of this pact was subsequently enshrined in free India's Constitution.

    Gandhi claimed during the fast that "an increasing army of reformers" would resist "social, civic and political persecution of the Depressed Classes." The issue was of "transcendental value, far surpassing Swaraj," he added (CW 51: 119). Expressing his "Hindu gratitude" to "Dr Ambedkar, Rao Bahadur Srinivasan and ... Rao Bahadur M C Rajah"—the Dalit leaders who had conferred with him in Yeravada—Gandhi added,

    They could have taken up an uncompromising and defiant attitude by way of punishment to the so-called caste Hindus for the sins of generations. If they had done so, I at least could not have resented their attitude and my death would have been but a trifling price exacted for the tortures that the outcastes of Hinduism have been going through for unknown generations. But they chose a nobler path and have thus shown that they have followed the precept of forgiveness enjoined by all religions. Let me hope that the caste Hindus will prove themselves worthy of this forgiveness (CW 51: 143–45).

    To caste Hindus, he conveyed a warning, "I should be guilty of a breach of trust if I did not warn fellow reformers and caste Hindus in general that the breaking of the fast carried with it a sure promise of a resumption of it if this reform is not relentlessly pursued and achieved within a measurable period" (CW 51: 143–45).

    Was reform "relentlessly pursued and achieved within a measurable period?" Much was done, but much more remained undone. Did Gandhi then start another fast unto death? No, he did not, though a 21-day fast by him in May 1933 was linked to the fight against untouchability. Was he, therefore, a hypocrite and a secret foe of the Dalits, as Roy alleges? Others might hold that he was an unusual human being fighting, with all his human limitations and the limitations of his people, for more than one tough objective.

    'You Would Become Our Hero'

    Shortly after signing the pact, Ambedkar said he had been "surprised, immensely surprised" to find "so much in common" between Gandhi and himself. "If you devoted yourself entirely to the welfare of the Depressed Classes," Ambedkar said to Gandhi, "you would become our hero" (Pyarelal 1932: 59).

    Gandhi's close British friend, Andrews—the one who called Gandhi "Mohan" and was called "Charlie" by Gandhi—tendered the same advice. Recalling that Gandhi had "again and again" said that with untouchability, Indians were "not fit" for swaraj, Andrews asked his friend to focus solely on untouchability and not try "to serve two masters" (Gracie 1989: 155).

    Whether or not we agree with Gandhi, we can look at the reasons he gave for declining the earnest advice.

    My dear Charlie: My life is one indivisible whole. It is not built after the compartmental system. Satyagraha, civil resistance, untouchability, [and] Hindu-Muslim unity ... are indivisible parts of a whole.

    You will find at one time in my life an emphasis on one thing, at another time on [an]other. But that is just like a pianist now emphasising one note and now [an]other. But they are all related to one another.

    It is utterly impossible for me to say: 'I have now nothing to do with civil disobedience or Swaraj!' Not only so ... Full and final removal of untouchability ... is utterly impossible without Swaraj .... Love. Mohan (CW 55: 196–69; emphasis added).

    Roy briefly acknowledges Ambedkar's warmth for Gandhi at the time of the Poona Pact, but immediately adds, "Later, though, having recovered from the trauma, Ambedkar wrote: 'There was nothing noble in the fast. It was a foul and filthy act'" (p 126).

    Ambedkar indeed used those severe words. But when? When he recovered from the trauma of Gandhi's fast, says Roy. How many days would it have taken Ambedkar, Gandhi's irreverent adversary, to recover from Gandhi's "pressure?" Seven days? Seven months? The words that Roy quotes, while suppressing their date, were actually written in the summer of 1945—13 years after the fast and the pact—in an impassioned tract that Ambedkar titled What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables.

    In this fiery text, Ambedkar attacks Gandhi's fast, and the working out of the Poona Pact, but—let us clearly mark—not the terms of that pact.

    In places in his 1945 text, Ambedkar, in fact, claims that the Poona Pact was a victory for him. Thus he writes, "When the fast failed and Mr Gandhi was obliged to sign a pact—called the Poona Pact—which conceded the political demands of the Untouchables, he took his revenge by letting the Congress employ foul electioneering tactics to make their political rights of no avail" (Ambedkar 1945: 259).

    Roy says that Ambedkar "didn't stand a chance" (p 126) when facing a fasting Gandhi. A few pages later, she speaks of "the debacle of the Poona Pact" (p 137). Yet Ambedkar not only refrained, in his tempestuous 1945 text, from criticising the pact's terms, he also did not—then or later—try, as far as I can figure out, to have that pact annulled or replaced. Far from seeing the pact as a "debacle," he seemed to view it as a compromise that benefited everyone, including Dalits.

    Only two years after writing his 1945 text, he would begin the process of steering the passage of a Constitution that incorporated the pact, which from today's perspective stands out as a statesmanlike settlement.

    As for Gandhi's 1932 fast, Ambedkar acknowledged in his 1945 text—even if Roy does not—that conservative Hindus too saw it as pressure on them and resented the pact it produced. While observing that "the Untouchables were sad" because of the concessions he had made, Ambedkar added, "The caste Hindus very definitely disliked [the pact], although they had not the courage to reject it" (1945: 90–91).

    However, Gandhi felt that orthodoxy was losing ground. To Nehru, he wrote (15 February 1933),

    The fight against sanatanists is becoming more and more interesting if also increasingly difficult ... The abuses they are hurling at me are wonderfully refreshing. I am all that is bad and corrupt on this earth. But the storm will subside ... It is the death dance of the moth round a lamp (CW 53: 309–10).

    No wonder (as "The Doctor and the Saint" would not acknowledge), some sanatanists tried to kill Gandhi in 1934—there were attempts on his life in Jasidih in Bihar and in Pune.

    'Caste Has To Go'

    Ambedkar was the clear victor over Gandhi in their 1936 argument over caste, varna, and hereditary occupations—an argument triggered by the former's lecture of that year, Annihilation of Caste.

    Some months before their 1936 argument, Gandhi had publicly given up defending caste. "Caste Has To Go" was his heading to a 16 November 1935 article in Harijan in which he wrote, "The sooner public opinion abolishes [caste], the better" (CW 62: 121–22). Before 1935, Gandhi had at times claimed that "an ideal" form of caste could be justified, while nearly always adding that "the ideal" never existed in practiceand always insisting that any notion of superiority and inferiority was utterly wrong. This seeming "defence" of caste was Gandhi's way of sugar-coating the bitter pill he was asking caste Hindus to swallow.

    In his 1936 debate with Ambedkar, Gandhi reiterated his rejection of caste, said that it was "harmful both to spiritual and national growth," and did what he had thus far hesitated to do—he publicly affirmed his acceptance of inter-dining and inter-marriage (Ambedkar 2014: 326). However, he claimed that "varna" was different from caste, and tried to justify varna by saying that the hereditary occupations for which he claimed varna stood could ensure harmony and thrift. He added, however, that restoring a pure varna system was like "an ant trying to lift a bag of sugar" or "Dame Parkington pushing back the Atlantic with a mop." He was saying that the varna system was impossible. This seeming "defence" of varna was neither easy to comprehend nor convincing, and Ambedkar easily picked holes in it.

    That is how we would judge the debate today. In 1936, what many took from Annihilation of Caste was Ambedkar's categorical statement to all Hindus—"I am sorry, I will not be with you … I am go[ing] out of the fold" (2014: 317). What they also took from the 1936 debate was Gandhi's defence of Hinduism and his regret that Ambedkar had "transferred" to Hinduism the "disgust" he justifiably felt against "a part of its professors" (Ambedkar 2014: 322).

    Eight years after Gandhi's death, Nehru would tell European journalist Tibor Mende,

    I asked [Gandhi] repeatedly: why don't you hit out at the caste system directly? He said, 'I am undermining it completely by tackling untouchability.'... [Gandhi's] genius lay in finding the weakest point of the enemy, the breaking of his front (quoted in Mende 1958).

    Realising that he would unite pro-orthodox ranks if he started with an attack on caste, Gandhi chose to zero in on an evil none could defend.

    Joint Electorates

    In the election of 1937, the bulk of India's Hindus, including a great many Dalits—called Harijans at that time by Gandhi and many Indians, including Dalits—voted for Gandhi's Congress rather than for Ambedkar's party. As Roy does not acknowledge, a Dalit minister was part of almost every provincial cabinet formed by the Congress in 1937. By December 1939, when the Congress quit office (because the war in Europe from September 1939 had sharpened the empire–Congress divide), these ministries had accomplished a few things for Dalit rights. In Madras Presidency, for instance, a 1938 law made discrimination against Dalits in jobs, wells, public conveniences, roads, schools and colleges an offence. As a result of another law that protected temple officials willing to open doors, Dalits entered several of the South's great temples for the first time.

    What was the context for the fierce language of Ambedkar's 1945 text, which he wrote in New Delhi in his official residence on Prithviraj Road? At this time, he was a member of the viceroy's executive council. The war was about to end. After three years of detention for Quit India, which had stirred much of India, the Congress leadership was about to be released. The British were on the verge of proposing a new political scheme for India, and new elections were imminent across the country.

    The brilliant thinker and member (minister in effect) writing the 1945 tract was also someone who wished to influence any new British scheme. In addition, he was a political leader unable to forget the results of the 1937 elections, which—because the war had intervened—were the last to have taken place. He hoped to do better in 1945–46. Through this 1945 tract, an Ambedkar still vexed by the 1937 results presented his case to Britain's leaders and simultaneously to India's voters.

    However, the election of 1945–46 confirmed that the INC attracted the bulk of the Indian electorate, including a good deal of Dalit support. Obtaining caste Hindu as well as Dalit votes, the INC won an even larger proportion of Dalit seats than it had in 1937.

    Many Dalit candidates understandably resented that non-Dalit voters could cause their defeat. Unfortunately, this happened to Ambedkar himself in the 1952 general elections, after he had resigned from the cabinet in disappointment at the Congress's slowness in passing the Hindu Code Bill, and again in 1954, when he contested a by-election. In a joint electorate, good people of all jaatis, including the Dalits, would at times be defeated by votes from outside their jaati, and at other times be elected because of "outsider" votes.

    Founded on Ambedkar's legacy by Kanshi Ram, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) has more than once led a government in India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh, thanks in part, some might say, to the Poona Pact and the joint electorate. That pact was hardly the folly that Roy paints it to be, and it would be difficult to make a case that the India of 2015, or the Dalits and Adivasis of 2015, would be better off with separate Dalit and Adivasi electorates.

    Powerful Symbol

    As independence seemed closer, Gandhi freed his radical side for tackling India's society. On 1 August 1946, a year or so before independence, he wrote to Patel, "Who are the people who beat up Harijans, murder them, prevent them from using wells, drive them out of schools and refuse them entry into their homes? They are Congressmen. Aren't they? It is very necessary to have a clear picture of this" (CW 85: 102).

    Three months after writing this letter, Gandhi found himself in Noakhali in eastern Bengal, where communal violence had flared up. In January and February 1947, he and a handful of companions, walking from village to village, slept overnight in 47 East Bengali homes, where their hosts, many of them Dalits, included washermen, fishermen, cobblers, and weavers. In Noakhali, Gandhi told caste Hindu women that if they continued to disown the untouchables, more sorrow would be in store. The women of the village of Chandipur were given radical advice, "Invite a Harijan every day to dine with you. Or at least ask the Harijan to touch the food or the water before you consume it. Do penance for your sins" (Tendulkar 1951: Vol 7: 350; CW 93: 229). On 24 April 1947, he said in Patna that for some time he had "made it a rule not to be present or give his blessings for any wedding unless one of the parties was a Harijan" (CW 87: 350).

    But Roy is not interested in any of this.

    In June 1947—two months or so before independence—Gandhi proposed that "a Harijan like Chakrayya or a Harijan girl should be made the nation's first President and Jawaharlal should become the Prime Minister...Similar arrangements [can be] made in the provinces too"2 (CW 95: 217). A purely symbolic suggestion? Perhaps. However, the symbol would have been powerful. It was one of the several suggestions made by Gandhi that Nehru, Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Rajagoplachari and other INC leaders successfully resisted in the last year of their "master's" life.

    On 14 June 1947, by when partition had been accepted and independence was only two months away, Gandhi asked the Congress to frontally address untouchability and caste injustice and also the question of the Adivasis.

    And what about the 'untouchables'? ...If you say that 'untouchables' are nothing, the Adivasis are nothing, then you are not going to survive yourselves. But if you do away with the distinction of savarna and avarna, if you treat the shudras, the 'untouchables' and the Adivasis as equals then something good will have come out of a bad thing [partition] (CW 95: 286–87).

    The battle for swaraj having been won, the Congress had no excuse now, Gandhi was saying, to delay the battle for social justice.

    None of this is of any consequence to Roy, according to whom, "There was never much daylight between Gandhi's views on caste and those of the Hindu right." She adds, "From a Dalit point of view, Gandhi's assassination could appear to be more a fratricidal killing than an assassination by an ideological opponent" (p 128).

    For herself, Roy acknowledges an ideological clash between Gandhi and the Hindu right. Thus, she writes, "The message of tolerance and inclusiveness between Hindus and Muslims continues to be Gandhi's real, lasting and most important contribution to the idea of India" (p 82). The implication seems to be that while she can understand the ideological confrontation, Dalits cannot.

    Consequential Partnership

    There was one Gandhi proposal, initiated in December 1946, which Nehru and Patel did accept (Gore 1993: 180–81; Ramachandran 1964: 179).3 Dalit literature has recorded Gandhi's crucial role in the remarkable invitation extended by Nehru and Patel to Ambedkar to join free India's first cabinet (Gore 1993: 180–81; Shastri 1991: 32–33), but Roy throws a thick blanket over it. After providing scores of pages of Ambedkar's sharp criticism of Gandhi and the INC from 1933 to 1947, she merely says,

    In a gesture of goodwill, and perhaps because there was no one as equal to the task as he was, the Congress appointed Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly. In August 1947, Ambedkar was appointed India's first Law Minister and Chairman of the Drafting Committee for the Constitution (p 138).

    That is it. Offering no comment on the statesmanship behind the invitation and behind its acceptance, she effectively suppresses a remarkable coming together of bitter adversaries, resulting in Gandhi's partnership with Ambedkar in the final phase of his life.

    Everyone knows of the amazing results of Ambedkar's induction into Constitution-making. A brilliant and passionate human being, who happened also to be an Indian and a Dalit, piloted a Constitution assuring equal rights to all in a society that for centuries had called people like him inferior and untouchable and had treated them harshly, and an elected Constituent Assembly, where a large majority were caste Hindus, welcomed and adopted such a Constitution.

    When, two months after Gandhi's death, Ambedkar married Sharada Kabir, a Brahmin doctor,4 Patel wrote to him, "I am sure if Bapu were alive he would have given you his blessings." Ambedkar replied, "I agree that Bapu, if he had been alive, would have blessed it" (Das 1971, Vol 6: 302).

    This sort of exchange would make no impact on Roy. In her stern and pessimistic view, the Constitution that resulted from the Ambedkar–Gandhi rapprochement and from discussions in the Constituent Assembly "reflected the views of its privileged-caste members more than Ambedkar's" (p 138). She also seems unhappy that many Ambedkar statues in the country show him holding the Constitution in his hand. She would rather have him hold Annihilation of Caste (p 44).

    Nothing wrong with that wish. Yet, for Roy to suppress the partnership formed in 1947 between Gandhi, Ambedkar, Nehru, and Patel only strengthens our scepticism over her text.

    Roy quotes a characteristic Gandhi statement, made in 1931.

    It has been said that Indian swaraj will be the rule of the majority community, that is, the Hindus. There could not be a greater mistake ... If it were to be true, I for one would refuse to call it swaraj and fight it with all the strength at my command, for to me Hind Swaraj is the rule of all the people, of justice.

    But, adds Roy,

    For Ambedkar, 'the people' was not a homogeneous category (p 45).

    Nor was it for Gandhi. Both understood the inevitability of struggle between different sections of a diverse and at times sharply separated people—between classes or castes of Indians, between groups formed by language, religion, sect, or party. Both agreed, however, that struggle had to be peaceful—resolute, fearless and passionate, yes, but not violent, for killing usually damaged a struggle's goal. For Ambedkar, and also for Gandhi, Dalit solidarity, Dalit education, and the Dalit vote were weapons far superior to the lathi or the gun; when used by a vulnerable Dalit, the latter only played into the hands of a better-armed enemy. Both realised that the culmination of a struggle for justice was usually negotiation and a settlement rather than surrender by the foe and complete triumph for one's side. Despite harsh experiences, both knew that the adversary in a struggle, the Other, was a human being too, and that justice seldom endured without reconciliation.

    The Poona Pact of 1932 and, 15 years later, the Gandhi–Ambedkar partnership at independence, represented victories for India's society and polity, and also for the two individuals concerned. Their agreements with each other may only have been occasional, their arguments more frequent. But the agreements were hugely consequential for India and even beyond.

    Roy and the Verbal Barricade

    In February 1946, when Indian ratings of the Royal Indian Navy mutinied unsuccessfully in Bombay (not a single Indian officer supported them), Aruna Asaf Ali, whose support the ratings had sought, was involved in an interesting debate with Gandhi. A hero of the 1942 struggle, Ali was, like many others, concerned in 1946 about the Hindu–Muslim divide. Encouraged that the mutineers' ranks included Hindus as well as Muslims, she said she would "rather unite Hindus and Muslims at the barricade than on the constitutional front." Replied Gandhi (26 February 1946),

    Even in terms of violence, this is a misleading proposition ... Fighters do not always live at the barricade. They are too wise to commit suicide. The barricade life has always to be followed by the constitutional. That front is not taboo forever (CW 83: 182–83).

    My suspicion is that Roy loves the life of the verbal barricade. She loves justice, no doubt, and can vividly describe the torments of the vulnerable. But she does not like settlements. She wants barricade battles to be unending. I suggest this because I still search for a positive purpose for her writing "The Doctor and the Saint." It is by no means clear that she is pushing for India to substitute Ambedkar for Gandhi as India's "chief hero," even if, for a moment, we imagine that there can be such a thing. Here and there in "The Doctor and the Saint" she appears to notice flaws in Ambedkar—his attitude to Adivasis, for instance. She criticises the Indian left for ignoring caste, but also regrets that Ambedkar did not nurture a steady alliance with the left.

    She is free to do that. Yet, it is only fair to ask Roy, "Who is your inspiration, your star, your hope? Who is it that you want Indians unhappy with their land and world to follow or accompany?"

    If it is Ambedkar, why does not she say so? If it is someone else, let Roy name her or him, or more than one person. Or she can name a philosophy, an idea, an approach. Or a political party. She can take something from the two fascinating subjects of her text, who knew what they opposed, but also what they wanted.

    If Roy knows what she wants for India, she should drop hints for a path to the future while she hops and skips on what she claims is historical ground. Scattering dubious "findings" of failings in founding fathers is simply not good enough.


    1 See "Constitutional Topic: Slavery," US Constitution,

    2 Chakrayya was an Andhra Dalit who had greatly impressed Gandhi in his Sevagram ashram.

    3 Particularly, see Gore's quotation from C B Khairmode's biography of Ambedkar. According to G Ramachandran, apparently Gandhi insisted on Ambedkar's inclusion as an essential part of the "atonement" due to India's "untouchables."

    4 Ambedkar's first wife, Ramabai, died in 1935.


    Ambedkar, B R (1945): What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, Bombay: Thackers.

    — (2014): Annihilation of Caste, New Delhi: Navayana.

    Birla, G D (nd): A Talk on Bapu, Kolkata.

    Das, Durga (ed) (1971): Sardar Patel's Correspondence, 10 Vols, Ahmedabad: Navajivan.

    Gandhi, M K (nd): Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, 100 Vols, New Delhi: Publications Division.

    Gandhi, Rajmohan (1995): The Good Boatman, New Delhi: Penguin.

    — (2006): Mohandas, New Delhi: Viking.

    Gore, M S (1993): The Social Context of an Ideology: Ambedkar's Political and Social Thought, New Delhi: Sage.

    Gracie, David M (1989): Gandhi and Charlie, Cambridge, Mass: Cowley.

    Jack, Homer (1956): The Gandhi Reader, New York: Grove Press.

    Mandela, Nelson (1995): "Gandhi the Prisoner" in Mahatma Gandhi: 125 Years, B R Nanda (ed), New Delhi: Indian Council for Cultural Relations.

    Mende, Tibor (1958): Conversations with Nehru, Bombay: Wilco.

    Moon, Penderel (ed) (1973): Wavell: The Viceroy's Journal, London: Oxford University Press.

    Parikh, Narhari (1971): Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, 2 Vols, Ahmedabad: Navajivan.

    Patel, Ravjibhai (1989): The Making of the Mahatma, Ahmedabad.

    Pyarelal (1932): Epic Fast, Ahmedabad: Navajivan.

    Ramachandran, G (1964): Thoughts and Talks, Madurai.

    Reddy, E S (1995): Gandhiji: Vision of a Free South Africa, New Delhi: Sanchar.

    Roy, Arundhati (2014a): "Arundhati Roy Replies to Dalit Camera," Round Table India, com_content&view=article&id=7284:arundhati-roy-replies-to-dalit-camera&catid=119& Itemid=132

    — (2014b): "The Doctor and the Saint" in B R Ambedkar, Annihilation of Caste: The Annotated Critical Edition, New Delhi: Navayana.

    Shastri, Roshanlal (1991): Babasaheb Dr Ambedkar Ke Sampark Me 25 Varsh, 3rd edition, New Delhi: Buddhist Society of India.

    Swan, Maureen (1985): Gandhi: The South African Experience, Johannesburg: Ravan.

    Tendulkar, D G (1951): Mahatma, 8 vols, Mumbai.

    Yagnik, Indulal (1943): Gandhi As I Knew Him, Delhi: Danish Mahal.


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      Thanks Semonti Ghosh to tell Bengal how RSS hijacked Ambedkar,the leader of Humanity:

      অম্বেডকরকে 'আপন'করতেই হবে!

      Just celebrate May Day on large scale to defend democracy and the rights of the working class!
      Palash Biswas
      I have been insisting that a space for the majority humanity is always missing in every sphere of life in Hegemony ruled Bengal since the partition of India.

      I have been insisting that in Bangaldesh,despite the brutal continuity of the religious hatred based Jihadi JAMAT Plus politics and continuous minority persecution, assassination of democratic, secular personalities,Bangla Nationalism survives just because of a rock solid alliance of Dalit, Adivasi, Left ,democratic and Secular forces which we badly miss in India and for which we trap ourselves into the lethal Hindutva Tsunami.

      Mind you,Bengal is liberal not because of Leftist Rule for thirty five years or Left Progressive ideologies.Bengal introduced the western democracy in India with Renaissance which never happened in rest of India.

      Moreover,Bengal led the land reform movement since the introduction of East India Company Rule after Plassy war right in 1757.
      Chuad Revolt was the first insurrection against feudal setup supported and strengthened in Company Raj. 

      It was followed by so many peasant uprising and peasant movement one after one countrywide beyond Bengal Presidency.

      The idea of Bahujan Samaj had been the reality in Bengal thanks to the Buddhamoy democracy Bengal witnessed until islamic rule takeover Bengal.Further,the Islam had no space for discrimination based on caste and birth.

      Dr.Anand Teltumbed who is not only the grand son -in-law of Dr.Ambedkar and a internationally academia,he is responsible to make Ambedkar works digital and also contributed to make India digital with Sam Pitroda.

      I am lucky to be his friend and we discuss these issues daily as he is recently  based in Kharagpur IIT.

      Dr.Teltumbde have explained very well how DR.Ambedkar did everything to recognize SC reservation in Bengal as no untouchability could be proved in social survey as untouchability had been prohibited way back in 1911 thanks to Chandal Movement which is well documented by DR.Shekhar Bandopaddhyay.

      Dr.Ambedkar associated by Mahapran Jogendra Nath Mandal and Mukund Bihari Mallick resoved the problem to make the basis of reservation for SC communities as caste based discrimination instead of untouchability.

      Hence,Bengalies outside Bengal are treated as developed communities and miss the reservation as untouchability misses in Bengali geography beyond Bengal and you may not get reservation with the caste discrimination provision out of Bengal.

      We have called to celebrate May Day across identities and political borders just because Baba Saheb as labour minister in British Raj introduced all labour laws including right of trade unions,job security,working hours to maternity leave which he did as a leader of the depressed class with an agenda of caste annihilation for entire humanity.

      Baba Saheb introduced Hindu Code Bill to liberate and empower Indian sex slave womanhood and had to resign from Nehru cabinet as RSS captured Congress to launch unabated Hindutva agenda which was accomplished by Congress unless BJP emerged reckoning force of Zionist Hindu Imperialism aligned with Global Zionist disorder against Man and Nature.

      Even Reserve Bank Of India credits DR.
      BR Ambedkar and his thesis,problem of Rupeee for its creation which is being dismantled to make SEBI,the greatest PONZI network on this earth, the manager of Indian Economy for free flow of foreign capital and foreign interest.

      DR BR Ambedkar is most relevant phenomenon which progressive Bengal refused to understand and believed that he was responsible for caste based identity politics which he never had been.

      As Semonti explains the works and personality of Dr.BR Ambedkar as the leader of humanity Bengal never tried to understand his agenda of caste annihilation which is the the most essential element of Bangla Nationalism.

      Not for Dalit movement,not even for power sharing for the majority,sustenance of secular democratic Bengali identity and Bangla Nationalism across border depend on this single factor how better we do understand Dr BR Ambedkar as the leader of Humanity.

      Since I am black listed in Bengal and writing in different languages I have no space in Print Media in Bengal despite working as professional journalist in Bengal since 1991,the beginning of free market disastrous ethnic cleansing,I must welcome Semonti to highlight the issue in Bengali how DR BR Ambedkar is hijacked by RSS which wants to win Bengal for Hindu fascist Imperialist Nation agenda.
      Pl read the article.

      statue of B. R. Ambedkar

      অম্বেডকরকে 'আপন'করতেই হবে!

      সেমন্তী ঘোষ

      ২৯ এপ্রিল, ২০১৫

      অম্বেডকরকে 'আপন'করতেই হবে!

      রাজনীতিকরা ভাবেন, তাঁরা ইতিহাস ছেঁকে নিয়ে রেঁধেবেড়ে পরিবেশন করবেন, আমরা বিনা প্রশ্নে তুলে নেব। আজকের অম্বেডকর সেটুকুতেই আইকন হয়ে থাকবেন!

      সেমন্তী ঘোষ

      0 0

      जनकृति पत्रिका का अप्रैल अंक (अंक-2, अप्रैल-2015) प्रकाशित हो गया है आप पत्रिका की साईट पर इसे पढ़ सकते हैं..साथ ही पत्रिका संबंधी आपके सुझाव एवं प्रतिक्रया आमंत्रित है..मई अंक हेतु आप अपनी रचनाएँ 20 मई तक jankritipatrika@gmail.comपर भेज सकते हैं
      विषय- सूची

      साहित्यिक विमर्श (कविता, नवगीत, कहानी, लघु-कथा, व्यंग्य, काव्य विमर्श)
      अशोक कुमार, ऋषिकेश सारस्वत, किरण अग्रवाल, पंकज त्रिवेदी, पुष्पा त्रिपाठी 'पुष्प', राज हीरामन (मॉरिशस), रामकिशोर उपाध्याय, राहुल देव, संदीप तिवारी, सचिन कुमार दीक्षित, सजन कुमार, सुरेखा कादियान

      आठ अठन्नी खर्च रुपैया: योगेन्द्र वर्मा

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      नर्मदे हर: मनीष वैद्य
      वर्तमान का सच: भारत श्याम स्नेही

      लघु कथा
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      प्रतिरोध: डॉ. पुष्पलता

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      Shakespeare performance in park: Dani Karmakar

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      पंडिज्जी का मंदिर एवं अन्य कहानियाँ: सुमन
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      राष्ट्रीय एकता की अनिवार्य कड़ी हिंदी भाषा: बृजेश कुमार त्रिपाठी
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      विदेशों में हिंदी अध्ययन एवं अध्यापन की स्थिति: डॉ. वंदना मुकेश (इंग्लैंड)

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      विमर्श केंद्रित अंतरराष्ट्रीय मासिक ई पत्रिका

      0 0

      What if the husband is nothing but a brutal rapist?

      RSS business friendly government wants to send Indian women back to dark ages.

      Here are some of the 'celebrated' derogatory comments about women in the Manusmriti! 

      Palash Biswas

      Marital rape - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

      Marital rape (also known as spousal rape and rape in marriage) is non-consensual sex (i.e., rape) in which the perpetrator is the victim's spouse. It is a form of ..

      RSS governance of fascism doing evrything to Make India a Hindu Rashtra with Manusmriti as its constitution and brands meriatal rape an international concept,not to be allowed in India.

      I Hope ,some one like Taslima  Nasrin may speak out now against the sustenance of Feudal religious system which makes a woman sex slave once she is married and she has not any right to protect her body and soul predestined to be raped time and again just  because she is married.

      What if the husband is nothing but a brutal rapist?

      In Vedic culture,rape is not a crime and rape has been justified in all religious scripts irrespective of religious identity of woman.Woman is Shudra and may not have any right to property,education,arms and not even the right to wish otherwise as she is branded to be a property captured by some or other man.

      RSS business friendly government wants to send Indian women back to dark ages.

      It was Babasaheb DR.Ambedkar who tried to ensure woman`s rights breaking the religious chain and introduced Hindu Code bill to empower her with equal rights enjoyed by man in the family and society.

      RSS protested vehemently so much so that Nehru hyped to be democratic and secular,could not support Ambedkar and he had to resign from Nehru cabinet.

      Very recently, RSS hijacked DR.Ambedkar and trying to get all SC ST OBC and minorities to woo back on its fold just making DR.BR Ambedkar an AVTAR of Vishnu Bhagwan misquoting him again and again.

      Women have been more ritually bonded and religious do,do not do discipline is mandatory for her to be a Sati Savitri while depriving her of everything and making her subjected to infinite persecution within the family.

      Ironically,armed with caste identity inherited just from the family,woman is never aware of her predestined status of Shudra,who must not have any right whatsoever,civic or human.

      They may vote but while elected to represent her people,she must be dictated by male members and it is the freedom we offer for our women to prove ourselves progressive as well as liberal. 

      Now,BJP is claimed to have One Hundred million members and all of them have to take the RSS Vedic lessons.It is horrible.

      The women have to bear the most of the burn despite the patriarchal claim of women`s empowerment in a patriarchal fascist corporate hegemony rule.

      Ironically,women not only join the RSS Clan they seem to be more aggressive than the Bajrangi brigade as they seem to reincarnate themselves to the status of the mythical goddess Durga who was created to kill the Non Aryan Asuras.

      Those who have joined the Durgavahini with a mission to amke India a Hindu Imperialist nation with cent percent Hindutva,they should read the holy script and understand why woman is raped so often in every part of the country and we justify the crime remaining silent in every case and get a Ptrotest Mode at opportune time in opportune cases.

      The twinkling candle light may not herald any rosy morning for the women folk where the anti woman Vedic culture takes over the rule of law.

      Thus,RSS governance of corporate fascism in this emerging market makes it very clear decalring that Concept of marital rape cannot be applied in India as marriage is treated as a sacrament or sacred as per mindset of the Indian society!

      Bull shit! merital rape is also as much as normal rape.Woman may not protest and has nothing in defence against this bloddy marrige and the man has the infinite license of raping and the man is backed by religious scripts and the government endorses the brutal crime amounting blatant violation of human rights.

      Is it the digital post modern nation where we claim that we have no gender bias and the men and women are equal citizens?

       Is this the rule of law?

      "It is considered that the concept of marital rape, as understood internationally, cannot be suitably applied in the Indian context due to various factors, including level of education, illiteracy, poverty, myriad social customs and values, religious beliefs, mindset of the society to treat the marriage as a sacrament," Minister of State for Home, Haribhai Parathibhai Chaudhary said. He was replying to a written question of DMK MP Kanimozhi in Rajya Sabha.

      animozhi had asked the Home Ministry whether Government will bring a bill to amend the IPC to remove the exception of marital rape from the definition of rape; and whether it is a fact that UN Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against women has recommended to India to criminalise marital rape. She had also said that according to United Nations Population Fund that 75 per cent of the married women in India were subjected to marital rape and whether government has taken cognisance of the fact.

      Chaudhary said the Ministry of External Affairs and Ministry of Women and Child Development have reported that UN Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women has recommended to India to criminalise marital rape. "The Law Commission of India, while making its 172nd Report on Review of Rape Laws did not recommend criminalisation of marital rape by amending the exception to Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code and hence presently there is no proposal to bring any amendment to the IPC in this regard," the Minister said. 

      Here are some of the 'celebrated' derogatory comments about women in the Manusmriti :

      1. "Swabhav ev narinam ….."– 2/213. It is the nature of women to seduce men in this world; for that reason the wise are never unguarded in the company of females.

      2. "Avidvam samlam……….."– 2/214. Women, true to their class character, are capable of leading astray men in this world, not only a fool but even a learned and wise man. Both become slaves of desire.

      3. "Matra swastra ……….."– 2/215. Wise people should avoid sitting alone with one's mother, daughter or sister. Since carnal desire is always strong, it can lead to temptation.

      4. "Naudwahay…………….."– 3/8. One should not marry women who has have reddish hair, redundant  parts of the body [such as six fingers], one who is often sick, one without hair or having excessive hair and one who has red eyes.

      5. "Nraksh vraksh ……….."– 3/9. One should not marry women whose names are similar to constellations,  trees, rivers, those from a low caste, mountains, birds, snakes, slaves or those whose names inspires terror.

      6. "Yasto na bhavet ….. ….."– 3/10. Wise men should not marry women who do not have a brother and whose parents are not socially well known.

      7. "Uchayangh……………."– 3/11. Wise men should marry only women who are free from bodily defects, with beautiful names, grace/gait like an elephant, moderate hair on the head and body, soft limbs and small teeth.

      8. "Shudr-aiv bharya………"– 3/12.Brahman men can marry Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaish and even Shudra women but Shudra men can marry only Shudra women.

      9. "Na Brahman kshatriya.."– 3/14. Although Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaish men have been allowed inter-caste marriages, even in distress they should not marry Shudra women.

      10. "Heenjati striyam…….."– 3/15. When twice born [dwij=Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaish] men in their folly marry low caste Shudra women, they are responsible for the degradation of their whole family. Accordingly, their children adopt all the demerits of the Shudra caste.

      11. "Shudram shaynam……"– 3/17. A Brahman who marries a Shudra woman, degrades himself and his whole family  ,becomes morally degenerated , loses Brahman status and his children too attain status  of shudra.

      12. "Daiv pitrya………………"– 3/18. The offerings made by such a person at the time of established rituals are neither accepted by God nor by the departed soul; guests also refuse to have meals with him and he is bound to go to hell after death.

      13. "Chandalash ……………"– 3/240. Food offered and served to Brahman after Shradh ritual should not be seen by a chandal, a pig, a cock,a dog, and a menstruating women.

      14. "Na ashniyat……………."– 4/43. A Brahman, true defender of his class, should not have his meals in the company of his wife  and even avoid looking at her. Furthermore, he should not look towards her when she is having her meals or when she sneezes/yawns.

      15. "Na ajyanti………………."– 4/44. A Brahman in order to preserve his energy and intellect, must not look at women who applies collyrium to her eyes, one who is massaging her nude body or one who is delivering a child.

      16. "Mrshyanti……………."– 4/217. One should not accept meals from a woman who has extra marital relations; nor from a family exclusively dominated/managed by women or a family whose 10 days of impurity because of death have not passed.

      17. "Balya va…………………."– 5/150. A female child, young woman or old woman is not supposed to work independently even at her place of residence.

      18. "Balye pitorvashay……."– 5/151. Girls are supposed to be in the custody of their father when they are children, women must be under the custody of their husband when married and under the custody of her son as widows. In no circumstances is she allowed to assert herself independently.

      19. "Asheela  kamvrto………"– 5/157. Men may be lacking virtue, be sexual perverts, immoral and devoid of any good qualities, and yet women must constantly worship and serve their husbands.

      20. "Na ast strinam……….."– 5/158. Women have no divine right to perform any religious ritual, nor make vows or observe a fast. Her only duty is to obey and please her husband and she will for that reason alone be exalted in heaven.

      21. "Kamam to………………"– 5/160. At her pleasure [after the death of her husband], let her emaciate her body by living only on pure flowers, roots of vegetables and fruits. She must not even mention the name of any other men after her husband has died.

      22. "Vyabhacharay…………"– 5/167. Any women violating duty and code of conduct towards her husband, is disgraced and becomes a patient of leprosy. After death, she enters womb of Jackal.

      23. "Kanyam bhajanti…….."– 8/364. In case women enjoy sex with a man from a higher caste, the act is not punishable. But on the contrary, if women enjoy sex with lower caste men, she is to be punished and kept in isolation.

      24. "Utmam sevmansto……."– 8/365. In case a man from a lower caste enjoys sex with a woman from a higher caste, the person in question is to be awarded the death sentence. And if a person satisfies his carnal desire with women of his own caste, he should be asked to pay compensation to the women's faith.

      25. "Ya to kanya……………."– 8/369. In case a woman tears the membrane [hymen] of her Vagina, she shall instantly have her head shaved or two fingers cut off and made to ride on Donkey.

      26. "Bhartaram……………."– 8/370. In case a women, proud of the greatness of her excellence or her relatives, violates her duty towards her husband, the King shall arrange to have her thrown before dogs at a public place.

      27. "Pita rakhshati………."– 9/3. Since women are not capable of living independently, she is to be kept under the custody of her father as child, under her husband as a woman and under her son as widow.

      28. "Imam hi sarw……….."– 9/6. It is the duty of all husbands to exert total control over their wives. Even physically weak husbands must strive to control their wives.

      29. "Pati bharyam ………."– 9/8. The husband, after the conception of his wife, becomes the embryo and is born again of her. This explains why women are called Jaya.

      30. "Panam durjan………"– 9/13. Consuming liquor, association with wicked persons, separation from her husband, rambling around, sleeping for unreasonable hours and dwelling -are six demerits of women.

      31. "Naita rupam……………"– 9/14. Such women are not loyal and have extra marital relations with men without consideration for their age.

      32. "Poonshchalya…………"– 9/15. Because of their passion for men, immutable temper and natural heartlessness, they are not loyal to their husbands.

      33. "Na asti strinam………"– 9/18. While performing namkarm and jatkarm, Vedic mantras are not to be recited by women, because women are lacking in strength and knowledge of Vedic texts. Women are impure and represent falsehood.

      34. "Devra…sapinda………"– 9/58. On failure to produce offspring with her husband, she may obtain offspring by cohabitation with her brother-in-law [devar] or with some other relative [sapinda] on her in-law's side.

      35. "Vidwayam……………."– 9/60. He who is appointed to cohabit with a widow shall approach her at night, be anointed  with clarified butter and silently beget one son, but by no means a second one.

      36. "Yatha vidy…………….."– 9/70. In accordance with established law, the sister-in-law [bhabhi] must be clad in white garments; with pure intent her brother-in-law [devar] will cohabitate with her until she conceives.

      37. "Ati kramay……………"– 9/77. Any women who disobey orders of her lethargic, alcoholic and diseased husband shall be deserted for three months and be deprived of her ornaments.

      38. "Vandyashtamay……."– 9/80. A barren wife may be superseded in the 8th year; she whose children die may be superseded in the 10th year and she who bears only daughters may be superseded in the 11th year;  but she who is quarrelsome may be superseded without delay.

      39. "Trinsha………………."– 9/93. In case of any problem in performing religious rites, males between the age of 24 and 30 should marry a female between the age of 8 and 12.

      40. "Yambrahmansto……."– 9/177. In case a Brahman man marries Shudra woman, their son will be called 'Parshav' or 'Shudra' because his social existence is like a dead body.

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      A caste-ridden society is worse than a society of slavery-Arundhati Roy

      hastakshep | हस्तक्षेप

      New DElhi. A caste-ridden society is worse than a society of slavery, and even apartheid, said Arundhati Roy, during a function held at the Constitution Club, New Delhi, on April 29 to mark the 6th anniversary of India's first fully Hindi-English, bilingual magazine, FORWARD Press.

      The theme of function, graced by eminent personalities like Anupriya Patel, Ramdas Athawale, Ali Anwar, Ramnika Gupta, Braj Ranjan Mani, Sheoraj Singh Bechain, Jaiprakash Kardam and Arvind Jain, was the "The Future of Bahujan Politics and Literature". "We are on to an important idea," said Roy, after releasing FORWARD Press' fourth Bahujan Literature Annual. She was referring to the idea of Bahujan literature, the idea of fighting casteism with anger at the injustice "while holding in our hearts the idea of justice, love, beauty, music, literature", without being reduced to a "bitter, small people".

      Ali Anwar, who heads the All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, said Pasmandas are Bahujan first and then Muslims. "We don't want to be called minorities. We are Bahujans", he said. He was surprised by Ramdas Athawale's proposal of reservations for the economically backward among the upper castes. He said we are not "mentally prepared" for such a move. The only criteria, he added, should be social and educational backwardness.

      Braj Ranjan Mani, the author of Debrahmanising History, mooted the idea of a "social democracy" and the stressed the need for an "emancipatory unity" among Bahujans. Sujata Parmita said the Dalit-Bahujans have been the creators of culture throughout history but religion has been used to enslave them and seize their culture from them. Anupriya Patel shared the view that once the oppressed masses are educated, their leaders will stop making compromises.

      Sheoraj Singh Bechain recalled a conversation with Kanshiram shortly before his BSP formed its first government in Uttar Pradesh in alliance with the BJP. Instead of eyeing power, he should have started a magazine, Bechain had advised Kanshiram – for it is "social power, cultural power, intellectual power" that brings real empowerment to the Bahujans.

      On the occasion, the second Mahatma Jotiba and Krantijyoit Savitribai Phule Balijan Ratna awards were presented to Braj Ranjan Mani, A.R. Akela (poet, folk singer, author and publisher) and Dr Hiralal Alawa (senior resident doctor at AIIMS and founder of Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti)

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      नेपाल – पूरा कस्बा हो गया जमींदोज़

      hastakshep | हस्तक्षेप

      नई दिल्ली। उत्तर प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री अखिलेश यादव के आव्हान पर समाजवादी पार्टी के युवा कार्यकर्ताओं की एक टोली राहत सामग्री लेकर नेपाल पहुंच गई है। इस दल में युवा नेता इमरान इदरीस भी शामिल हैं, जो ग्राउंड जीरो से लगातार अपडेट कर रहे हैं। काठमांडू से इमरान इदरीस की पाती-

      नेपाल से इमरान इदरीस का आंखों देखा हाल

      नेपाल से ग्राउंड जीरो रिपोर्ट

      सत्य को मात्र सुनकर या संचार माध्यमों पर देखकर ना समझा जा सकता है और ना दर्द महसूस किया जा सकता है।

      नेपाल अपनी विपदाओं से निपटने की स्थिति में नहीं है, क्योंकि दूरदराज़ गाँव ऊँचे पहाड़ पर बसे लोगों की मदद कैसे की जाए, ये अभी बहुत हद तक तय नहीं है।

      ये सही है कि विश्व के बहुत से देश यहाँ मदद को तैयार हैं, पर ये गाँव इस मदद से अछूते हैं। ऐसे काठमांडू से डाउनटाउन होते हुए मात्र 8 किलोमीटर दूर साखू क़स्बा है। पूरे कस्बे की जनता एक घेरे में रहती है। आज पूरा कस्बा जमींदोज हो चुका है। आप तस्वीरों में देख सकते हैं। लोगों की मदद की जा रही है। वहीं से मात्र 5 किलोमीटर दूर पहाड़ियों पर गांव है जहां आज तक कोई सहायता नहीं पहुंची।

      समाजवादी दल आज उन पहाड़ियों की सीमाएं भी लांघ गया। राहत सामग्री अपने कंधों पर लादकर वहां पहुंचाया गया।

      बहुत सहयोग रहा नेपाल के समाजवादी विचारधारा के राष्ट्रीय अनुसूचित आदिवासी दल के युवा प्रकोष्ठ राष्ट्रीय युवा क्रांतिदल का, जिनके सहयोग से वहां तक पहुंचने में कामयाबी मिली।

      बताता चलूं कि पहले सामरिक दृष्टि से ये पूरा क्षेत्र पूर्व माओवादी नेता और नेपाल के पूर्व राष्ट्रपति पुष्प कमल दहल 'प्रचंड'के पाये जाने का क्षेत्र था। उनके राष्ट्रपति बनने के बाद अब भी वैसे ही स्तिथियां हैं। ये नेपाल का आदिवासी स्थल है। मेडिकल/बिज़नेस/ स्वयंसेवी दल/ के लोग मदद करने में सक्रिय हैं।

      (चित्र मेरे द्वारा मोबाईल से लिए गए हैं।)

      डॉ. इमरान इदरीस

      काठमांडू से

      Imran-Nepal-4 नेपाल - पूरा कस्बा हो गया जमींदोज़Imran-Nepal-5 नेपाल - पूरा कस्बा हो गया जमींदोज़Imran-Nepal-6 नेपाल - पूरा कस्बा हो गया जमींदोज़

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      Press Note by Ekta Parishad - जमीन से बेदखल कर ग्रामीणों को शहरों में भिखारी बना रही है सरकार : राजगोपाल

      29 अप्रैल, 2015

      प्रेस विज्ञप्ति

      संपादक महोदय,

      ऽ    जमीन से बेदखल कर ग्रामीणों को शहरों में भिखारी बना रही है सरकार : राजगोपाल
      ऽ    गरीबों को उपेक्षित कर किए गए विकास से अहिंसक समाज की रचना संभव नहीं : रनसिंह परमार
      ऽ    प्रदेश सरकार ने भूमि के मुद्दे पर टास्क फोर्स गठित करने जारी किए आदेश
      ऽ    भूमि संबंधी समस्याओं को लेकर भोपाल में होगा चक्का जाम

      भोपाल। वर्तमान विकास नीति से किसान एवं ग्रामीण गांव से बेदखल हो रहे हैं, उनकी जमीनें छिनी जा रही है और वे शहरों में भिखारी बन रहे हैं। हमें इस विकास का विरोध करना है, जिसमें भूमि स्वामी को भूमिहीन बनाया जा रहा है और भूमिहीनों को भूमि नहीं दिया जा रहा है। आज देश के 99 हजार गांव नक्शे से गायब हो गए हैं। हम विकास की ऐसी अवधारणा को चुनौती दे रहे हैं और मांग कर रहे हैं कि लोगों को उनकी आजीविका से बेदखल नहीं किया जाए। लोगों को जंगल एवं जमीन पर अधिकार दिया जाए। पूंजीपतियों के पक्ष में बनाए जा रहे कानूनों को खत्म कर किसान एवं वंचित समुदाय को अधिकार दिलाने वाले कानूनों को सख्ती से लागू किया जाए और इनके लिए नए कानून बनाए जाएं। ये बातें आज चार दिनों से 20 आंदोलनकारियों के साथ उपवास पर बैठे प्रसिद्ध गांधीवादी एवं एकता प्रसिद्ध के संस्थापक राजगोपाल पी.व्ही. ने आम सभा को संबोधित करते हुए कही।

      एकता परिषद द्वारा पिछले चार दिन से चल रहे उपवास एवं धरने को आज नीलम पार्क में आयोजित आमसभा के बाद खत्म किया गया। धरने को देश भर से राजनीतिक दलों एवं सामाजिक संगठनों का समर्थन मिला। राज्य स्तरीय उपवास एवं धरने के समर्थन में प्रदेश के 37 जिलों में किसान एवं आदिवासी धरने पर बैठे थे, जो भूमि संबंधी और वन अधिकार संबंधी समस्याओं के निराकरण के लिए मुख्यमंत्री के नाम कलेक्टर को ज्ञापन सौंपकर आज भोपाल आए 2000 लोगों ने शहाजहांनी पार्क से रैली निकाली एवं नीलम पार्क में आयोजित सभा में शामिल हुए। एकता परिषद के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष रनसिंह परमार ने कहा कि गरीबों के हितों की अनदेखी कर लाए जा रहे किसी भी विकास के ढांचे से समाज में विद्रोह की भावना बनी रहेगी। हमें समाज को अहिंसक बनाए रखने के लिए ऐसी अवधारणाओं का विरोध करना है और जबतक भूमिहीनों को भूमि नहीं मिल जाती, तब तक अहिंसक आंदोलन को चलाते रहना है। भारत स्वाभिमान आंदोलन के राष्ट्रीय संयोजक सुरेन्द्र बिष्ट ने कहा कि गांव एवं किसान की उपेक्षा की राजनीति से देश का विकास नहीं हो सकता। प्रदेश कांग्रेस उपाध्यक्ष एवं पूर्व सांसद लक्ष्मण सिंह ने कहा कि ग्राम सभा में प्रस्ताव पारित कर गांव में बाहरी लोगों के प्रवेश को प्रतिबंधित करने की जरूरत है। देश के लोकतांत्रिक ढांचे को खत्म करने लिए साजिश की जा रही है। किसान नेता शिवकुमार शर्मा ने कहा कि जमीन की इस लड़ाई को आखिरी दम तक लड़ना है। किसान नेता एवं पूर्व विधायक डॉ. सुनीलम् ने कहा कि देश भर किसान आंदोलन कर रहे हैं। किसानों की जमीनें छिनी जा रही है, जिससे वे आक्रोशित हैं।

      धरने पर बैठे श्री राजगोपाल को राज्य शासन ने पत्र भेजकर अवगत कराया कि प्रदेश में भूमि संबंधी समस्याओं के निराकरण के लिए राज्य एवं जिला स्तर पर टास्क फोर्स के गठन की कार्यवाही शुरू कर दी गई है। एकता परिषद के राष्ट्रीय संयोजक अनीष कुमार ने बताया किसंगठन के सभी मांगों पर राज्य सरकार ने निर्णय नहीं लिया है, इसलिए अब गांव-गांव में पोस्टकार्ड लिखो अभियान चलाया जाएगा। 15 अगस्त को सांसदों एवं विधायकों का घेराव, 11 सितंबर को जिला स्तरीय प्रदर्शन एवं रैली का आयोजन और 2 अक्टूबर को राजधानी भोपाल में चक्का जाम किया जाएगा।


      दीपक अग्रवाल, प्रांतीय संयोजक, एकता परिषद, मोबाइल - 9425735037


      ANEESH THILLENKERY          

      National Convener                 
      Ekta Parishad,                      Ekta Parishad,
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