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This is my Real Life Story: Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams. It is hightime that I should share my life with you all. So that something may be done to save this Galaxy. Please write to: bangasanskriti.sahityasammilani@gmail.comThis Blog is all about Black Untouchables,Indigenous, Aboriginal People worldwide, Refugees, Persecuted nationalities, Minorities and golbal RESISTANCE.

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    Mamata Claims to make painting with three strokes worth of On million!
    Palash Biswas

    Mamata Banerjee goes on all out attack in her election campaign in defence of her controversial income from her fantastic painting with Mida`s touch.Mamata herself is speaking on ponzi scam better tahn anyone else while her opposition,Left and Right seemed to have given her walk out in the local body`s election.It has made the Bengal tiger more and more aggressive smelling yet another land slide win.

    West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on Friday countered allegations about her Trinamool Congress' funding patterns, including proceeds from sale of her paintings, asserting she doesn't take a penny from the earnings and her party files tax returns.

    Her comments come a day after Bengal's ruling party furnished documents in response to a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) notice seeking its account details. The agency is probing the multi-crore-rupee Saradha Ponzi scheme scam.

    "They (the BJP) are questioning my paintings and books. Who are they to ask these details?

    "We have filed IT returns. I don't claim to be a professional painter. I draw on canvas whatever I feel like. If people give us even one penny from their hard-earned money, it is a big blessing for us. Proceeds from the sales of my paintings and books go to the party. I don't take a rupee. I even pay for my tea at Nabanna," she said.

    Meanwhile,Indian Express reports that Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on Sunday claimed she can sell her paintings for crores and can decide the price for the same with no one having the authority to question her.

    Accusing the Opposition, Central investigating agencies and the media of trying to taint the image of Trinamool Congress, Mamata — while addressing a rally in Beliaghata, a Left Front stronghold, ahead of the April 18 KMC polls — said as a painter, she will decide how much her party can get from her paintings. This comes days after the CBI sent a notice to Trinamool seeking details of its income from 2010 to 2014.

    "Three strokes of my brush can fetch Rs 10 lakh. Ibuy my own canvas, paints and brushes. I can sell my paintings for crores. Who are you to question me? Why are you criticising? I have sold 300 paintings and have also given out 600 for free. You don't see the free paintings. Even if I sold each painting for Rs 3 lakh, it would have fetched me Rs 9 crore," she said about the Opposition's allegations about her paintings being sold for lakhs of rupees.

    "You can also try your hand in paintings and check whether people will buy them. On one side there is BJP and on the other, there is Biman (Left Front Chairman Biman Bose)," she added.

    "I can write and you cannot write. Nobody has stopped you from writing. You can write but nobody will buy books written by you because they will not believe your writings. But I can challenge you that if I write a book, they will have the maximum sale," Mamata claimed, stating that her books have the maximum sale in the annual KolkataInternational Book Fair.

    She added that she has not taken any salary, used the office car or even drank tea at the government's expenses. "I don't want any certificate from you but there is a limit to which a person can endure. I am only trying to make the party stand on its own feet," she claimed.

    Mamata hit out at Prime Minister Narendra Modi over CBI notice to her party asking for details of its accounts, saying "nothing happens without his orders". "The CBI is the Prime Minister's department, nothing happens without his orders," Mamata alleged.

    "We have submitted our accounts to the IT department and the Election Commission. Why is the CBI asking for the same again? And why only single out our party? Why can't the Congress, CPM and BJP be questioned about their wealth? It is a ploy of theCentre to malign us before the elections. This has happened several times before," said Mamata.

    Times of India reports:

     Mamata Banerjee's first poll speech at Burrabazar's Satyanarayan Park, a BJP bastion, turned out to be a spirited defence of the sale of her paintings as well as the mismatch between the statements of accounts filed with the Election Commission and transfer of hefty funds to party accounts.

    But, if Mamata made an admission on the party accounts, she also did a cover-up in the same breath. She made an oblique reference to Mukul Roy's wrongdoings, and then hurriedly gave him a clean chit, possibly fearing that her admission may go viral.

    "If someone has done wrong, it is his fault. We should not be blamed for that. One within our party was entrusted with this responsibility. He is not there in the post anymore. He has not told me anything about it. Now I am overseeing everything. But I don't see anything wrong," Mamata said. While her detractors read in the statement a bid to pass the blame to Mukul, others saw in the cover-up a window left open to build bridges with her former lieutenant.

    Mamata's spending the larger part of her 80-minute speech on the controversy surrounding party funds and paintings was proof enough that it bothers the Trinamool chief that her clean image has taken a beating. This could be why she sent her partymen to CBI's office on Thursday with a suitcase full of papers relating to TMC's earnings and expenditure within 24 hours of slamming the Modi government and CBI for seeking information on her party's assets.

    "Let me make one thing clear. It is not a question of selling one or two paintings. Over 250/300 paintings were sold by Jago Bangla in open exhibitions. The exhibitions were organized over several years (2-3 years). Only one painting fetched Rs 20 lakh. It was a gigantic painting like the size of a house. The others fetched around Rs 2.5 lakh. Some were given away for free," Mamata said at the rally.

    Defending the sale of paintings as a funding-raising venture to support the party's poll campaign, she said, "We are a small party. We don't have crores like other parties to launch multi-crore ad campaign. We have demanded electoral reforms since 1995. We demand state funding of elections. There is no hide and seek. Jago Bangla did an open exhibition of my paintings. They filed an affidavit. We also donated money from the sale of paintings to charity."

    Mamata added that she didn't pocket the proceeds from the sale of the paintings. "The money went to Jago Bangla. It was an open exhibition. Is it possible to know the buyers? The total sale was around Rs 2 crore (Rs 2.53 crore). Of this, the party donated Rs 1.10 crore to the Chief Minister's relief fund. When I became the CM the fund balance was nil. Another Rs 10 lakh was given to the Governor's relief fund," she said.

    The chief minister then hit out at BJP. "Now let me ask you (read BJP) how much did Vedanta give you? How much did Sahara give you? Or, for that matter, the Rs 50,000 crore chit fund bust in Delhi, whose perpetrators are still on the run," she thundered.

    READ ALSO: Sale of Mamata Banerjee's painting for Rs 1.8 crore under CBI lens

    Mamata then returned to her pet conspiracy theory. "Trinamool Congress had arrested Sudipta Sen from Kashmir's Dras Batalik. We repaid back 5 lakh depositors around Rs 200 crore. Kunal Ghosh was a Trinamool Congress MP. Who arrested him? We did. Unlike you (read BJP) our annual returns have been filed with the IT department and Election Commission. Today, since you are in power you are sending notices. You are showing your power. But let me tell you this will not silence us," she said.

    Claiming that CBI functions directly under PMO, Mamata alleged that the agency's notice was a fallout of Trinamool Congress's opposition to several "anti-people" bills. "Narendra Modi can send 500 notices to Trinamool if he wants. We will not budge from our stand on the land bill," she said.

    Telegraph reports:

    Mamata's Midas brush

    - Rs 2cr something to Rs 9cr, in 48 hours flat

    GO FIGURE, CALCUTTA Mamata Banerjee at the civic poll campaign rally in Beliaghata on Sunday. Picture by Sanat Kr Sinha

    Mamata Banerjee has put money mavens and Wall Street whiz kids to shame: the earnings from the sale of her paintings have ballooned by 200-350 per cent in a matter of 48 hours.

    On Sunday evening, the chief minister put the earnings at Rs 9 crore — dramatically up from the "Rs 2 crore and something" Mamata had mentioned on Friday at a Burrabazar meeting.


    Beliaghata, civic poll campaign rally, Sunday evening: "Nearly 300 paintings of mine were sold in two or three exhibitions and Rs 9 crore was earned in total, each of them costing Rs 3 lakh. Besides, I have distributed nearly 600 paintings free of cost," the chief minister said.


    Burrabazar, civic poll rally, Friday: "In two or three exhibitions where around 250-300 paintings were showcased, we received Rs 2 crore something from the sale. None of my paintings sold for Rs 2 crore. Only one painting sold for Rs 20 lakh. There were some paintings that sold for between Rs 1 lakh and Rs 5 lakh," Mamata said.


    Earnings from "sale of painting" (the artist's name is not mentioned) submitted by Mukul Roy, the then general secretary of Trinamul, to the Election Commission of India in September 2013: Rs 6.47 crore (Rs 3.94 crore in 2011-12 and Rs 2.53 crore in 2012-13)


    • Between Friday and Sunday, the chief minister's estimate of the earnings has gone up by at least Rs 6 crore.Wall Street hotshots will give an arm and more for such head-spinning spurts. Even on the stock markets, such surges take place only on penny stocks — shares of small companies used by manipulators for "pump and dump" schemes. Market lore has it that the rapper 50 Cent used tweets to push up the price of a penny stock and pocketed a cool $8.7-million profit.

    • Chief minister Mamata Banerjee is not known to play the markets. So, she cannot be accused of such manipulations.

    On Sunday, too, she led by example, pointing out that "I have purchased brush, canvas and everything from my own pocket".

    • The gap between Mamata's maths and Mukul's maths has undergone a dramatic change. On Friday, Mukul's sum was above Mamata's by Rs 4.47 crore (if you leave out the "something" in the chief minister's Rs 2-crore-plus estimate.) But after Sunday, in keeping with Mamata's stature, she has pulled past Mukul's sum by Rs 2.53 crore.

    • On Friday, Mamata had said one painting sold for Rs 20 lakh and some fetched between Rs 1 lakh and Rs 5 lakh. On Sunday, a definitive figure of Rs 3 lakh per painting was mentioned. It makes calculations easy: 300 paintings multiplied by Rs 3 lakh apiece: Rs 9 crore.


    Asked about the numbers, a senior — and an exasperated — minister said: "I would suggest that she concentrate on the development work that has been done for Calcutta during the last five years instead of talking about the earnings from paintings. This has confused things."

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    As Baba Saheb Said,Caste would die its death,But we may not wait.We have to intensify the campaign to annihilate the caste. 

    The dialogue should continue because without the annihilation of caste no equality or social justice,freedom or rule of law is possible.

    Palash Biswas

    Pl read,write,speak and circulate:

    सौ साल पहले आंबेडकर का दावा : जाति का विनाश निश्चित है

    Dear editor,Hastakshep!

    Excellent and objective analysis.
    I congratulate you for the timing of the post.

    The so called Ambedkarites are trying their best to sustain caste system and have completely deviated post Ambedkarite movement.

    The dialogue should continue because without the annihilation of caste no equality or social justice,freedom or rule of law is possible.

    The caste system in itself is an economics which is identical as the Zionist free market monopolistic ethnic cleaning based free market economy is.

    HASTKSHEP is doing an excellent job and I am proud for it.

    Only a few people may dare to bring forth the change.

    No army is responsible for any revolution whatsoever.

    We must understand and stand and work together united rock solid.

    I may not live to see the change.even the next generations may succumb but the change would come sooner or later.

    As Baba Saheb Said,Caste would die its death.

    But we may not wait.We have to intensify the campaign to annihilate the caste. 

    I would like Shesh Naryan Ji to write on basic issues more and more.He is an eminent journalist and he may afford enough space in mainstream for his political writing.

    I want more articles from Shesh Nrayanji like this one.

    Pl congratulate him for me.I am very happy to read this post.

    I know the load you bear and I am sorry that I may not help much.

    I am reposting the all important article in hope to initiate an objective debate on Baba Saheb`s ideology whatever it is.

    For me the most important in Babasaheb`s entire work remains his agenda for Annihilation of caste whereas the Hindu Imperialists trying their best to strengthen the Manusmriti ratial economics of ethnic cleansing and  thus,RSS makes a God of Dr BR Ambedkar to kill the Bahujan and Non Hindus in India.

    Pl circulate and publish this just because this should be the focus on Ambedkar Jayanti as Dr Ambedkar opposed fascist Hindu Imperialism in his lifelong activism to ensure equality and social justice for the depressed class and he never did speak identity politics which ironically has been credited to him.

    सौ साल पहले आंबेडकर का दावा : जाति का विनाश निश्चित है

    Posted by: शेषनारायण सिंह 2015/04/12

    डॉ. अंबेडकर के जन्म के 125 साल का जश्न पूरी दुनिया में शुरू हो चुका है। डॉ. अंबेडकर को इतिहास एक ऐसे राजनीतिक चिन्तक के रूप में याद रखेगा जिन्होंने जाति के विनाश को सर्वोच्च प्राथमिकता दी थी। वोट बैंक राजनीति के चक्कर में पड़ गयी अंबेडकरवादी पार्टियों को अब वास्तव में इस बात की चिंता सताने लगी है कि अगर जाति का विनाश हो जाएगा तो उनकी वोट बैंक की राजनीति का क्या होगा।

    डॉ. अंबेडकर की राजनीतिक सोच को लेकर कुछ और भ्रांतियां भी हैं। कुछ लोगों ने इस क़दर प्रचार कर रखा है कि जाति की पूरी व्यवस्था का ज़हर मनु ने ही फैलाया था, वही इसके संस्थापक थे और मनु की सोच को ख़त्म कर देने मात्र से सब ठीक हो जाएगा। लेकिन बाबा साहेब ऐसा नहीं मानते थे। अमरीका के प्रतिष्ठित कोलंबिया विश्वविद्यालय ने जिस थीसिस के आधार पर उनको पीएचडी की डिग्री से विभूषित किया और बाद में जो पर्चा पूरी दुनिया में बहुत ही सम्मान की नज़र से देखा जाता है उसका नाम है,"कास्ट इन इंडिया : : देयर मेकनिज्म, जेनेसिस एंड डेवेलपमेंट " 9 मई 1916 को हुए सेमीनार में डॉ. बी आर आंबेडकर ने यह पर्चा पढ़ा था। दुनिया भर में इसका नाम है और बहुत सारी भाषाओं में इसका अनुवाद हो चुका है। इस पर्चे के कई भाग हैं जिसमें एक में इस बात पर गौर किया गया है कि जाति सिस्टम का जन्म और विकास कैसे हुआ। जाति की यह खतरनाक संस्था देश की गैर ब्राह्मण बिरादरी में कैसी फ़ैली। उन्होंने बताया कि दो तरह की बातें इस सम्बन्ध में की जाती हैं। एक तो यह कि भारत की दबी कुचली आबादी को किसी दैवीय या अवतारी शक्ति ने जाति के बंधन में बाँध दिया, कोई ऐसा व्यक्ति था जिसने कानून बना दिया और सब उसका पालन करने लगे। दूसरा यह सिद्धांत है कि सामाजिक विकास के किसी नियम के तहत भारत में जातियों का विकास हुआ और वह केवल भारत में ही लागू हुआ।

     डॉ. आंबेडकर ने लिखा है कि जाति व्यवस्था की सारी बुराइयों को लिए मनु को ही ज़िम्मेदार नहीं ठहराया जा सकता। मनु के बारे में उन्होंने कहा कि अगर कभी मनु रहे भी होंगें तो बहुत ही हिम्मती रहे होंगें। डॉ. अंबेडकर का कहना है कि ऐसा कभी नहीं होता कि जाति जैसा शिकंजा कोई एक व्यक्ति बना दे और बाकी पूरा समाज उसको स्वीकार कर ले। उनके अनुसार इस बात की कल्पना करना भी बेमतलब है कि कोई एक आदमी कानून बना देगा और पीढ़ियां दर पीढ़ियां उसको मानती रहेंगीं। हाँ. इस बात की कल्पना की जा सकती है कि मनु नाम के कोई तानाशाह रहे होंगें जिनकी ताक़त के नीचे पूरी आबादी दबी रही होगी और वे जो कह देंगे, उसे सब मान लेंगें और उन लोगों की आने वाली नस्लें भी उसे मानती रहेंगी।

    डॉ. अंबेडकर ने कहा कि, मैं इस बात को जोर दे कर कहना चाहता हूँ कि मनु ने जाति की व्यवस्था की स्थापना नहीं की, क्योंकि यह उनके बस की बात नहीं थी। मनु के जन्म के पहले भी जाति की व्यवस्था कायम थी। मनु का योगदान बस इतना है कि उन्होंने इसे एक दार्शनिक आधार दिया। जहां तक हिन्दू समाज के स्वरूप और उसमें जाति के मह्त्व की बात है, वह मनु की हैसियत के बाहर था और उन्होंने वर्तमान हिन्दू समाज की दिशा तय करने में कोई भूमिका नहीं निभाई। उनका योगदान बस इतना ही है उन्होंने जाति को एक धर्म के रूप में स्थापित करने की कोशिश की। जाति का दायरा इतना बड़ा है कि उसे एक आदमी, चाहे वह जितना ही बड़ा ज्ञाता या शातिर हो, संभाल ही नहीं सकता। इसी तरह से यह कहना भी ठीक नहीं होगा कि ब्राह्मणों ने जाति की संस्था की स्थापना की। मेरा मानना है कि ब्राह्मणों ने बहुत सारे गलत काम किये हैं, लेकिन उनकी औक़ात यह कभी नहीं थी कि वे पूरे समाज पर जाति व्यवस्था को थोप सकते। हिन्दू समाज में यह धारणा आम है कि जाति की संस्था का आविष्कार शास्त्रों ने किया और शास्त्र तो कभी गलत हो नहीं सकते।

    बाबा साहेब ने अपने इसी भाषण में एक चेतावनी और दी थी कि उपदेश देने से जाति की स्थापना नहीं हुई थी और इसको ख़त्म भी उपदेश के ज़रिये नहीं किया जा सकता। यहाँ यह भी स्पष्ट कर देना ज़रूरी है अपने इन विचारों के बावजूद भी, डॉ. अंबेडकर ने समाज सुधारकों के खिलाफ कोई बात नहीं कही। ज्योतिबा फुले का वे हमेशा सम्मान करते रहे। हाँ उन्हें यह पूरा विश्वास था कि जाति प्रथा को किसी महापुरुष से जोड़ कर उसकी तार्किक परिणिति तक नहीं ले जाया जा सकता।

    डॉ. अंबेडकर के अनुसार हर समाज का वर्गीकरण और उप वर्गीकरण होता है लेकिन परेशानी की बात यह है कि इस वर्गीकरण के चलते वह ऐसे सांचों में फिट हो जाता है कि एक दूसरे वर्ग के लोग इसमें न अन्दर जा सकते हैं और न बाहर आ सकते हैं। यही जाति का शिकंजा है और इसे ख़त्म किये बिना कोई तरक्की नहीं हो सकती। सच्ची बात यह है कि शुरू में अन्य समाजों की तरह हिन्दू समाज भी चार वर्गों में बंटा हुआ था। ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय, वैश्य और शुद्र। यह वर्गीकरण मूल रूप से जन्म के आधार पर नहीं था, यह कर्म के आधार पर था। एक वर्ग से दूसरे वर्ग में आवाजाही थी लेकिन हज़ारों वर्षों की निहित स्वार्थों कोशिश के बाद इसे जन्म के आधार पर कर दिया गया और एक दूसरे वर्ग में आने जाने की रीति ख़त्म हो गयी। और यही जाति की संस्था के रूप में बाद के युगों में पहचाना जाने लगा।। अगर आर्थिक विकास की गति को तेज़ किया जाय और उसमें सार्थक हस्तक्षेप करके कामकाज के बेहतर अवसर उपलब्ध कराये जाएँ तो जाति व्यवस्था को जिंदा रख पाना बहुत ही मुश्किल होगा। और जाति के सिद्धांत पर आधारित व्यवस्था का बच पाना बहुत ही मुश्किल होगा।

    1916 में एक एक शोध छात्र के रूप में डॉ. आंबेडकर ने यह सारे सवाल उठाये थे और संभावित उत्तर भी तलाशने की कोशिश की थी। उनकी विद्वत्ता और मनीषा का जलाल है कि आज करीब सौ साल बाद तक जाति के बारे में अध्ययन उसी रास्ते पर चल रहा है जिस पर डॉ. आंबेडकर ने सुझाया था। उन्होंने उसी वक़्त दावा कर दिया था कि जाति संस्था को जीवित रखा पाना असंभव होगा। उन्होंने कहा कि चार मुख्य बातें हैं। हिन्दू समाज की ऐसी रचना है कि उसमें एक सांस्कृतिक एकता है। दूसरी बात कि जाति वास्तव में बड़ी सांस्कृतिक इकाइयों को एक में मिलाकर पर पार्सल जैसा बनाने को ही संस्था का रूप देने की कोशिश है। तीसरी बात यह है कि शुरू में एक ही जाति थी और चौथी बात कि समय बीतने के साथ साथ जो वर्ग थे वे जातियों के रूप में मान्यता पाते गए।

    डॉ. आंबेडकर की यह अवधारणा पूरी तरह से मौलिक है और हम जानते हैं कि बाद में किस तरह से सत्ताधारी वर्ग के एजेंटों ने जाति को बिलकुल पक्का कर दिया। इस बात की संभावना से इनकार नहीं किया जा सकता कि मनु नाम का कोई व्यक्ति भी इसी शोषक शासक वर्ग का एजेंट रहा होगा। बाद में सत्ता और आर्थिक लाभ की शक्तियों ने जाति सामाजिक गैर बराबरी और शोषण का एक बड़ा हथियार बना दिया।

    अपने पूरे जीवन में डॉ. आंबेडकर को भरोसा था कि जाति को एक संस्था के रूप में बचाया नहीं जा सकता, लेकिन उनके नाम पर धंधा करने वाले राजनेता और बुद्धिजीवी जाति को बचाए रखने की पूरी कोशिश कर रहे हैं। आज उनके 125 साल के जश्न के माहौल में और उनके महान विद्वत्तापूर्ण पर्चे के 100 साल पूरे होने के अवसर पर यह संकल्प लेने की ज़रूरत है कि जाति का विनाश हर हाल में होगा क्योंकि जाति संस्था की बुनियाद ऐसे नकली तरीकों पर बनी है कि उसको बचाया नहीं जा सकता।

    भारत वापस आकर भी डॉ. आंबेडकर ने जाति के सवाल को अपने चिंतन का स्थाई भाव रखा। जब लाहौर के जात पांत तोड़क मंडल ने उनको आमंत्रित किया तो उन्होंने अपना लिखित भाषण उन लोगों के पास भेज दिया लेकिन ब्राह्मण मानसिकता वाले आयोजकों ने उनको भाषण नहीं देने दिया। उसी भाषण को आज दुनिया उनकी कालजयी किताब, " जाति का विनाश "के रूप में जानती है। इस किताब में डॉ. अंबेडकर ने बहुत ही साफ शब्दों में कह दिया है कि जब तक जाति प्रथा का विनाश नहीं हो जाता तब तक समता, न्याय और भाईचारे की शासन व्यवस्था नहीं कायम हो सकती। इस पुस्तक में जाति के विनाश की राजनीति और दर्शन के बारे में गंभीर चिंतन है। इस देश का दुर्भाग्य है कि आर्थिक, सामाजिक और राजनीतिक विकास का इतना नायाब तरीका हमारे पास है, लेकिन उसका इस्तेमाल नहीं किया जा रहा है। डॉ. अंबेडकर के समर्थन का दम ठोंकने वाले लोग ही जाति प्रथा को बनाए रखने में रूचि रखते हैं और उसको बनाए रखने के लिए एड़ी चोटी का जोर लगा रहे हैं। जाति के विनाश के लिए डॉक्टर अंबेडकर ने सबसे कारगर तरीका जो बताया था वह अंर्तजातीय विवाह का था, लेकिन उसके लिए राजनीतिक स्तर पर कोई कोशिश नहीं की जा रही है, लोग स्वयं ही जाति के बाहर निकल कर शादी ब्याह कर रहे हैं, यह अलग बात है।

    इस पुस्तक में अंबेडकर ने अपने आदर्शों का जिक्र किया है। उन्होंने कहा कि जातिवाद के विनाश के बाद जो स्थिति पैदा होगी उसमें स्वतंत्रता, बराबरी और भाईचारा होगा। एक आदर्श समाज के लिए अंबेडकर का यही सपना था। एक आदर्श समाज को गतिशील रहना चाहिए और बेहतरी के लिए होने वाले किसी भी परिवर्तन का हमेशा स्वागत करना चाहिए। एक आदर्श समाज में विचारों का आदान-प्रदान होता रहना चाहिए।

    अंबेडकर का कहना था कि स्वतंत्रता की अवधारणा भी जाति प्रथा को नकारती है। उनका कहना है कि जाति प्रथा को जारी रखने के पक्षधर लोग राजनीतिक आजादी की बात तो करते हैं लेकिन वे लोगों को अपना पेशा चुनने की आजादी नहीं देना चाहते। इस अधिकार को अंबेडकर की कृपा से ही संविधान के मौलिक अधिकारों में शुमार कर लिया गया है और आज इसकी मांग करना उतना अजीब नहीं लगेगा, लेकिन जब उन्होंने उनके दशक में यह बात कही थी तो उसका महत्व बहुत अधिक था। अंबेडकर के आदर्श समाज में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दा है, बराबरी। ब्राहमणों के अधियत्य वाले समाज ने उनके इस विचार के कारण उन्हें बार-बार अपमानित किया। सच्चाई यह है कि सामाजिक बराबरी के इस मसीहा को जात पात तोड़क मंडल ने भाषण नहीं देने दिया लेकिन अंबेडकर ने अपने विचारों में कहीं भी ढील नहीं होने दी।

    संतोष की बात है कि अब जाति की जकड कमज़ोर हो रही है, कुछ खाप पंचायतें इसको जिंदा रखने की कोशिश कर रही हैं लेकिन लगता है कि जाति अब बचेगी नहीं। लगता है कि जाति के विनाश के ज्योतिबा फुलेडॉ. राम मनोहर लोहिया और डॉ. अम्बेडकर की राजनीतिक और सामाजिक सोच और दर्शन का मकसद हासिल किया जा सकेगा।

    शेष नारायण सिंह

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    Political Ideology and Interpretation of History

    Ram Puniyani


    Our sub continent, which has a common past; shares its history, there are diverse ways of looking at the same history by groups belonging to different political ideologies. With the change of Government in Delhi, the leading institutions are having a major policy shift, organizations like Indian Council of Historical Research, National Council for Education, Research and Training amongst others, as they have got heads whose qualification is not excellence in their disciplines but their proximity to ideology of ruling dispensation. These are the institutions which delve in to history, education and most of the disciplines related to social sciences. The change of the policy seems to be guided by BJP's parent organization, RSS whose political ideology is Hindu nationalism in contrast to the values of Indian Constitution, the one of Indian Nationalism. To give an indication of the same RSS Chief (Sarsanghchalak) stated (March 3, 2015) that Indian history should be saffronised. To back him up BJP leader and ex Minister of MHRD Murli Manohar Joshi said that the call to saffronise Indian history is necessary and the concerned Minister should feel proud in saffronising the history books.

    What is saffronisation of History books? This term was coined by the progressive rational historians and intellectuals to criticize the move of same Dr. Joshi when he was minister of Human Resource Development, the ministry which also deals with education, in Vajpayee led NDA Government (1998) and had brought serious changes in the curriculum, education and social science-history books. The books which were introduced during his tenure had statements like, it is because we are the children of Manu that we are known as manushya or manav (human), scientists consider plants as inanimate, while the Hindus consider them as animate and to have life, on refusing to accept Islam Banda Bairagi had the heart of his son thrust down his throat, Sati is presented as a Rajput tradition that we should be proud of, etc. Similar distortions in medieval period were; Qutub Minar was built by emperor Samudragupta and its real name was Vishnu Stambha. At another level the battles for power between Shivaji and Afzal Khan, the battle between Akbar and Maharana Pratap, Guru Govind Singh and Aurangzeb was given religious color.


    These changes came under scholarly criticism from the professional, progressive, secular historians. They coined the term 'Saffronisation of education' for this presentation of history. In the face of the criticism the same Murali Manohar Joshi said that the changes in the history books are not saffronisation, its mere correcting the distortions in the history (April 2003) Now turning around due to newer political equations; he is owning the same term, saffronisation, as a matter of pride.


    It was British who introduced the Communal historiography in India. This historiography is a way of looking at the historical phenomenon through the lens of religion. The same history in a modified way was picked up by the Hindu and Muslim communalists. In sum and substance, Hindu communalists, Hindu Nationalists presented that India was a Hindu nation from times immemorial and Muslims and Christians and Muslims are foreigners here. The Muslim communal history began from the invasion of Sindh by Mohammad bin Kasim bin in 8th century and claimed that Muslims were the rulers of this land so British should hand over power to them once they leave. A version of this prevails in Pakistan History books today.


    In contrast; those identifying with secular, democratic Indian national movement presented a view of history where religion of King was not the main determining factor of his policies. This view was also presented by the leader of freedom movement, Mahatma Gandhi. In his book Hind Swaraj he writes, "The Hindus flourished under Moslem sovereigns and Moslems under the Hindu. Each party recognized that mutual fighting was suicidal, and that neither party would abandon its religion by force of arms. Both parties, therefore, decided to live in peace. With the English advent quarrels recommenced… Should we not remember that many Hindus and Mohammedans own the same ancestors and the same blood runs through their veins? Do people become enemies because they change their religion? Is the God of the Mohammedan different from the God of the Hindu? Religions are different roads converging to the same point. What does it matter that we take different roads so long as we reach the same goal? Wherein is the cause of quarreling?"


    After getting independence, in India while the British introduced pattern continued for some time, gradually serious historical research and rational approach started entering the history books. Along with formation of NCERT, the books with rational viewpoint did replace the ones' with communal interpretation, in schools, which were having NCERT curriculum. With the coming to power of BJP led National Democratic Alliance from 1998, Dr. Joshi brought in the communalization of curriculum and saffronisation of education. With NDA's defeat in 2004, the Congress led UPA came to power and it gradually and to some extent, restored the spirit of scientific temper and rational thought in education and to some extent scrapped communal version of history in books. The communal version of history in a way is a fiction suiting the political agenda of 'Religious nationalism', whether in Pakistan or India. So Here in India a Taj Mahal becomes Tejo Mahalay, a Shiv Temple and the freedom struggle is presented as a religious was against Muslims, Muslim kings are blamed for destruction of temples and spreading Islam by sword. The divisive mind set is promoted for political goals. In books in Pakistan Muslim Kings are Heroes and Hindu kings nobody!



    Apart from the official school text books as such RSS has been running a chain of schools, Sarswati Shishu Mandirs, Ekal Vidyalayas and Vidya Bharati, which are using the version of History. It is this version form RSS stable schools, which they are proposing for the state run institutions. This is what will be a very divisive move for our plural country with immense diversity. 



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    विकासपिता मोदी और धरतीपुत्र मुलायम किसानों को कारपोरेट की हित में ठकेल
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    लखनऊ 13 अपै्रल 2015। प्रदेश में लगातार हो रही बेमौसम बारिश से फसलों की
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    आत्महत्या पर चुप्पी साफ करती है कि देश में सरकारें नीतिगत स्तर पर
    किसानों को आत्महत्या करने पर मजबूर कर रही हैं जिससे औने-पौने दामों में
    किसान अपनी जमीनों को देशी व विदेशी लुटेरी कंपनियों को बेचने पर मजबूर
    हो। उन्होंने कहा कि प्रदेश सरकार को चाहिए कि किसानों को अधिक से अधिक
    मुआवजा दे और इसके लिए अगर फंड की कमी हो रही हो तो उसे अगले साल होने
    वाले अय्याशी के भद्दे आयोजन सैफई महोत्सव को अभी से टालने की घोषड़ा कर
    दे जहां प्रदेश की जनता की गाढ़ी कमाई को ठुमकों और शराब पर लुटाया जाता

    रिहाई मंच नेता लक्ष्मण प्रसाद ने कहा कि जिस तरह से किसानों की
    आत्महत्या, दिल का दौरा व सदमे से हो रही मौतों के मामले में यह तथ्य
    प्रमुख रहा है कि किसान अपनी बेटियों की शादी जो तय हो चुकी थीं को लेकर
    काफी चितिंत थे, जिस चिंता को फसलों की बर्बादी ने इस कदर बढ़ा दिया की
    वो इस सदमें को बर्दाश्त नहीं कर पाए। ऐसे में प्रदेश सरकार न्यूनतम दो
    लाख रुपए ऐसे किसानों को आवंटित करें जिनकी बेटियों की शादियां तय हो
    चुकी हैं। उन्होंने कहा कि प्रदेश में लगातार हो रही बारिश से अब किसानों
    के पास उनके पशुओं को खिलाने के लिए भूसा भी नहीं बचा है। इस स्थिति में
    प्रदेश सरकार मुआवजे की राशि के साथ-साथ पशुओं के चारे के लिए भी राशि
    आवंटित करे।

    द्वारा जारी
    शाहनवाज आलम
    प्रवक्ता, रिहाई मंच
    Office - 110/46, Harinath Banerjee Street, Naya Gaaon Poorv, Laatoosh
    Road, Lucknow

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    আহমদ শরীফের ডায়েরি #০৪

     kai Kaus

    "... মুজিববাদী আঁতেলরা এমন বেহায়া চাটুকার যে কোন মিথ্যাভাষণে তাদের কোন লজ্জা-শরম নেই। তারা জানেন মুজিবের পাকিস্তান ভাঙার কোন স্বপ্ন বা সাধ ছিল না, তিনি ছিলেন সোহরাওয়ার্দীর চেলা এবং মুসলিম লীগার ও হিন্দুবিদ্বেষী। পাকিস্তানের প্রধানমন্ত্রী হওয়ার সুযোগ এনে দিয়েছিল তাকে ১৯৭০ সনের নির্বাচন। কেননা আগরতলা মামলা তাকে অপমানিত ক্ষুব্ধ ও ক্রুদ্ধ বাঙালীর হিরো বানিয়ে দিয়েছিল। শেখ মুজিব ১৯৭১ সনের ২৫ মার্চ অবধি প্রধানমন্ত্রীত্বের জন্যে দরকষাকষি করছিলেন, যদিও সে লক্ষ্যে ছাত্রনেতাদের পরামর্শে তিনি ৭ই মার্চের ভাষণে স্বাধীনতার ও মুক্তির সংগ্রামের কথা উচ্চারণ করেছিলেন তার প্রধানমন্ত্রীত্বপ্রাপ্তি ত্বরান্বিত করার লক্ষ্যেই। প্রমাণ তিনি ঐ সভার পরেই দ্রোহী হননি, ছাত্ররাও ধরেনি অস্ত্র।

    ২৫শে মার্চে পাকিস্তান সরকারই বাঙালীকে প্রতারিত করে হত্যাকান্ড চালাতে থাকে। বিপন্ন ও অস্ত্রচ্যুত সেনানিরা, পুলিশেরা এবং ক্ষুব্ধ-ক্রুদ্ধ তরুণেরা অনন্যোপায় হয়ে অস্ত্র ধারণ করে, তাদের সঙ্গে জুটে যায় আওয়ামীলীগারেরা এবং ক্ষুব্ধ, ক্রুদ্ধ স্বাধীনতাকামী জনগণ গাঁ-গঞ্জ থেকে শিক্ষিত-অশিক্ষিত নির্বিশেষে। শেখ মুজিব যে মুক্তি বা স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধের প্রেরনা-প্রণোদনাপ্রবর্তনা দাতা তা কেউ অস্বীকার করে না। যদিও সবটা তাৎক্ষণিক এবং অবস্থার ও অবস্থানের পরিণাম, পরিকল্পিত নয়, উদ্দিষ্ট ছিল না বলেই।

    কিন্তু ১৯৭২ থেকে ১৯৭৫ সনের আগস্ট অবধি মুজিব শাসন হচ্ছে ত্রাসের, হত্যার, কাড়ার, মারার, জোর-জুলুমের, স্বৈরাচারের, দুর্ভিক্ষের, পীড়নের, শোষনের, জবরদখলের ও জবরদস্তির হৃৎকাঁপানো বীভৎস রূপের। - ১৬/১২/১৯৯৭

    - আহমদ শরীফ / আহমদ শরীফের ডায়েরি : ভাব-বুদ্বুদ ॥ [ জাগৃতি প্রকাশনী - ফেব্রুয়ারি, ২০০৯ । পৃ: ১৭৩ ]

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    चिकित्सक मोरंग प्रहरी हिरासतमै अनसनमा, एक अनशनकारी अस्पतालमा भर्ना

    विराटनगर, चैत्र ३०, २०७१ । मधेशीहरूमाथि दमन भएको विरोधमा विराटनगरमा शान्तिपूर्ण रुपमा रैली निकाल्न लागेको बेला मोरंग प्रहरीले चैत २२ गते गैर-कानुनी रुपमा हिरासतमा लिएका डा. सी. के. राउतका समर्थकहरू प्रहरी हिरासत मैं हिजोदेखि अनसन शूरु गरेका छन्। अनसुन शुरु गर्नेमा डा. संजय साह, डा. परमेश्वर मुर्मु, अन्जय मिश्रा, छोटेलाल सोरेन र सरोज शर्मा रहेका छन्। उनीहरूलाई मोरंग प्रहरीले गिरफ्तार गरी मोरंग जिल्ला प्रशासन अधिकारी गणेशराज कार्कीले झुठो सार्वजनिक मुद्दा समेत दायर गरेको छ। झापामा प्रहरी आक्रमणबाट टाउको र पाखुरामा चोट लागेर घाइले बनाइएका डा. सी. के. राउतलाई डा. परमेश्वर मुर्मु र नोबल अस्पतालका चिकित्सक डा. संजय साह लगायतकाले ल्याएर उपचार गरेको कारणले तिनीहरूलाई फसाइएको छ। (तस्वीरमा: डा. सी. के. राउतको उपचार गर्ने क्रममा डा. संजय साह, MD बायाँ र डा. परमेश्वर मुर्मु, दायाँ) स्मरण रहोस् गणेशराज कार्की त्यही  जिल्ला प्रशासन अधिकारी हुन् जसले डा. राउतमाथि मुद्दा चलाएका थिए। भर्खर प्राप्त सूचना अनुसार अनसनकारी डा. मुर्मुको स्वास्थ्यमा समस्या देखिए पछि मोरंग प्रहरीले उहाँलाई अस्पतालमा भर्ना गरेको छ। अनशनकारीहरूलाई परिवारका मान्छेहरू र मानवअधिकारकर्मीहरू सित पनि भेटघाट गर्न दिइएको छैन। 

    चैत्र २१ गते राजगढ़, झापामा डा. सी. के. राउत संगै समर्थक माथि नेपाल प्रहरीको दमनको बिरोधमा चैत्र २२ गते आइतवार भट्टीमोड, सरौचियामा शान्तिपूर्ण रुपमा रैली निकाल्ने क्रममा लाउड स्पिकर सहित ७ जनालाई मोरंग प्रहरीले पक्राउ गरेको थियो। त्यसको भोलिपल्ट डा. संजय साह, डा. परमेश्वर मुरमु, अन्जय मिश्रा, छोटेलाल सोरेन र सरोज शर्मा गरी ५ जनामाथि सार्वजनिक अपराधको मुद्दामा म्यादथप गरि अनुसन्धान गरेको थियो। सोहि कसुरमा बदनियतपूर्ण रूपले यातना दिन जिल्ला प्रशासन कार्यालय मोरंगले  १० दिनको म्याद थप गरेको कार्य प्रति बिरोध गर्दे पाँचै जना अनसनमा बसैका छन्।
    स्थानीय प्रशासक नागरिकको समस्या वार्ताबाट समाधान नगरी दमन गर्न तिर लागेकोमा स्वतन्त्र मधेश गठबन्धन घोर भर्त्सना गर्नुका साथै यस बारेमा देश-विदेशका पत्रकार, कुटनितिज्ञ, राजनैतिक पार्टी, वुद्धिजीवि, मानवअधिकारकर्मी लगायत सबैलाई जानकारी गराउन चाहन्छ। यस किसिमका दमनकारी क्रियाकलापले हाम्रो वाक्‌-स्वतन्त्रता, आवत-जावत गर्ने स्वतन्त्रता र भेला हुने स्वतन्त्रतामाथि हस्तक्षेप हुनुका साथै नेपाल सरकारद्वारा मानवाधिकारको हनन भइराखेको कुरा पनि जानकारी गराउन चाहन्छौं। सम्बन्धित व्यक्ति तथा संस्थाहरूले आ-आफ्नो ठाउँबाट नेपाल सरकारका यस्ता क्रियाकलापलाई निरूत्साहित गर्न तथा मानवअधिकारको रक्षा गर्न पहल गरिदिनुहुन पनि हामी हार्दिक अनुरोध गर्दछौं। राज्यले नेपालको अन्तरिम संबिधान २०६३ को धारा १२ बमोजिम वाक तथा शान्तिपूर्ण सभा सम्मेलनगर्ने स्वतन्त्रताको उल्लङ्घन गरेको छ, भने धारा २४ बमोजिम न्याय सम्बन्धि हकको समेत उल्लङ्घन गरेको छ। यसरी शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलनको क्रममा पक्राउ परेकोले उनीहरुलाई तत्काल रिहा गर्न सरकारलाई अनुरोध गर्दछौ।

    कैलाश महतो, उप-संयोजक
    स्वतन्त्र मधेश गठबन्धन 
    फोन: +‌977-9847038322 


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    Tej Kumar Karki wrote:
    Tej Kumar Karki


    MANY GOOD THINGS HAVE HAPPENED: Progress in Media, Massive road widening in Kathmandu, Success of nonviolence movement against medical malpractice, China-Tibet Nepal boarder railway decision, hydro-power decisions, Melamchi is in progress ETC ETC.

    TO HAVE MORE----YOUNG CLEAN AND DEDICATED LEADERS SHOULD REPLACE THE OLD TRADITIONAL SLOW AND CORRUPT ONES (we have no choice, we have to rely on the existing and whatever available political parties---we cannot import leaders)







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    Dr. Anand Teltumbde kindly allowed to share and publish this.Thanks.

    In reference to the article published on Hastakshep:

    सौ साल पहले आंबेडकर का दावा : जाति का विनाश निश्चित है

    Dear Palash,

    I just read the article in hastakshep. here are my comments:

    There are many errors in the write up. The foremost is 'Caste in India' was not the subject matter of his thesis. This essay was written just for the anthropological seminar as a student of anthropology. There is no doubt that Ambedkar made many profound points about the origin of castes, superseding the prevailing scholarly understanding, he did not develop up it in his later life. It is correct that Manu did not originate caste; no one person could do it indeed. Ambedkar makes a profound point here that castes are the enclosed classes. He does not however elaborate how classes are born in society; in what historical circumstances. It is wrong to say that the current scholarly opinion is following his line of thinking.

    Ambedkar's 'Annihilation of Castes', is not the extension of his earlier essay. Although profound in its analysis and arguments, the inferences it draws remain confined to ideological realm. डॉअंबेडकर ने बहुत ही साफ शब्दों में कह दिया है कि जबतक जाति प्रथा का विनाश नहीं हो जाता तब तक समतान्याय और भाईचारे की शासनव्यवस्था नहीं कायम हो सकती.—is important because it imparts universalist dimension to what was until then a local issue. जाति के विनाश के लिए डॉक्टरअंबेडकर ने सबसे कारगर तरीका जो बताया था वह अंर्तजातीय विवाह का थालेकिन उसकेलिए राजनीतिक स्तर पर कोई कोशिश नहीं की जा रही है. The intercaste marriages may dampen castes but cannot necessarily annihilate them. Many such factors can act as dampner but they cannot eradicate it. These two things are different. There have been many inter-caste marriages but simultaneously there have been rise in caste atrocities too. What is required is to pinpoint the roots of castes, situate them in the mode of production. If the castes have been weakened, it is not because some reformers preached against it but because the capitalist development in the country. Ambedkar at the end of the book, infers that the roots of castes lie in hindu dharmashastras and until the latter are dynamited, castes cannot be annihilated. He did not think it was possible. He therefore indicated that he would renounce Hinduism. This way actually speaking Ambedkar creates an impression that castes would not be annihilated from within and only the exit strategy is possible for those who want to get out of the trap of castes. I don't think the article goes beyond the laudatory references which are fraught with factual errors and erroneous interpretations.  


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    He hated fascist Barbed Wire,he loved Kolkata and Sundar Bans and he is no more!

    Günter Grass, the Nobel Prize-winning German novelist!

    I always pointed out that without raising voice to protect the nature and natural resources,you may not stand with the suffering and toiling masses.Grass exactly did it and addressed the social realism in Bengal as much as true that the Bengali intelligentsia never dared to.

    For me Grass is more a Bengali writer than any Bengali writer.

    Palash Biswas

    He hated fascist Barbed Wire,he loved Kolkata and Sundar Bans and he is no more!

    Günter Grass, the Nobel Prize-winning German novelist!

    I would never forget Gross with the goddess Kali tongue!Not only the world lost the most daredevil writer with concentration camp nostalgia,not only Germany lost an Icon enviable,Kolkata and and the most neglected Mangroves lost a very specific lover.The depressed class Have NOT demography of Slum Kolkata and 24 parganas lost their spokesman global.

    Celebrating the Original warrior for the depressed classes in Asia and beyond,Babasaheb Dr.Ambedkar,the most misinterpreted,most misunderstood,most misused personality of Indian History,we the depressed class people in Bengal must mourn for the Man who spoke and wrote for the Mangroves.

    Yes,it is very very important to know Grass in reference to Mangroves which could sustain entire Indian Subcontinent and remained most endangered thanks to making in PPP Model development and continuous destruction of the nature and nature associated people to sell of the Golden Bird,the aborigin India.

    I always pointed out that without raising voice to protect the nature and natural resources,you may not stand with the suffering and toiling masses.Grass exactly did it and addressed the social realism in Bengal as much as true that the Bengali intelligentsia never dared to.

    For me Grass is more a Bengali writer than any Bengali writer.

    Image for the news result

    Gunter Grass And Kolkata: A Four Decade of Love-Hate Tale

    NDTV - 12 hours ago

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    Gunter Grass and Kolkata - a four decade of love-hate tale - Yahoo News India

    Yahoo India News - 13 hours ago

    The Telegraph - Calcutta

    Gunter Grass, the German author and social critic who gave voice to the generation that came of age during the horrors of the Nazi era, died on Monday morning ...

    You've visited this page many times. Last visit: 9/9/14

    Gunter Grass held up a mirror to Kolkata - The Times of India› City

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    May 21, 1989 - Show Your TongueBy Gunter GrassTranslated by John E. WoodsHarcourt Brace Jovanovich, 314 pages, $29.95Calcutta is one of those names ...


    May 21, 1989 - In the fall and winter of 1987-88, Gunter Grass and his wife, Ute, settled in Calcutta for the Bengali-language staging of his 1966 play, ''The ...

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    12 hours ago - Kolkata, April 13 From a dark depiction of the omnipresent stench, the people dwelling in concrete pipes and damning criticism of the city's ...

    Blades Of Grass | Soutik Biswas - Outlook

    Calcutta is intensely close to Gunter Grass. It brings out the layers of complexity which constitute the Nobel laureate's sensibilities.

    Gunter Grass and Kolkata – a four decade of love-hate tale ...

    10 hours ago - The versatile German Nobel Laureate, who effortlessly […]The postGunter Grass and Kolkata– a four decade of love-hate tale appeared first ...

    Gunter Grass, Nobel Laureate and Germany's voice of memory, dies at 87

    In 1987, Grass and his wife came to Calcutta for the staging of one of his plays, The Plebeians Rehearse The Uprising. He made fast friends among the city's writers

    Nilanjana S Roy 

    April 14, 2015 Last Updated at 00:04 IST


    When I heard that Günter Grass had died at 87, peacefully in the town of Lübeck, I thought of what he had been at 17 and 18. He was still a boy, despite what he'd seen in World War II, weighing only 110 pounds in his Waffen SS uniform after the 850-calorie diet in a US Army-run camp he reached after his surrender.

    The boy, sensitive, already a storyteller by nature, was slow to understand the word "capitulation" meant "final, incontrovertible". The conquering US soldiers' ability to chew gum was impressive; so were their silent rubber soles, in contrast to his army's jackboots. The Third Reich was over, but even when the American education officer showed them the pictures of Bergen-Belsen, the corpses, the ovens, he couldn't believe it. He wrote in Peeling The Onion, the 2007 memoir that came out eight years after he won the Nobel Prize for Literature:

    "You mean Germans did that?" We kept asking.

    "Germans could never have done that."

    "Germans don't do that."

    But they did, they had, and for the rest of his life, he would be burdened. "One word evokes the other: Schulden, Schuld," he wrote. "Debts, guilt".

    Grass at 19, 20, away from home in Dusseldorf; he filled out, put muscle back on when he found work as a sculptor. His job was to chisel tombstones, and change the names. The inscriptions - "such as: 'Death is the Gate To Life'" - were recyclable. In his twenties he tried to write his first novel, The Kashubians, but didn't get very far. He managed to kill off all his characters by the end of the first few chapters, so, there were no more chapters to write.

    But he had been writing all his life anyway, sketching, making notes. His hands were restless, they never stopped. At the Bittweg tram stop, waiting to go home, he would see a line of stonecutting establishments, including the firm of Moog; he put it in The Tin Drum, his most famous novel, as C Schmoog, sandstone and basalt specialists. When they were not working on tombstones, he and his fellow apprentices restored the arms and wings of park statues that had been maimed in the bombing.

    In the 1950s, Grass travelled to Paris. He was close to 30 years old and was smoking Parisiennes, deep in conversation with friends and family, when a three-year-old boy came into the room. The boy had a toy drum, a tin toy, that he struck with wooden sticks; he refused to leave or to stop, and circled the table, drumming determinedly. Then the child left, but his image stayed with Grass: "It would be a long time before the bolt slid open, the flood of images was released and with the images, words I had been saving since childhood."

    He wrote poems and plays (Mister, Mister; The Flood), and then The Tin Drum came out in 1959.The New York Times reviewer recognised its genius, calling it remarkable, and calling Grass "probably the most authentic literary talent to appear in Germany in 25 years". But, Orville Prescott added in his 1963 review, "It is very German and in many episodes, very repulsive… It is gross, grotesque, gruesome and horrible throughout." Grass wrote many other striking and memorable works - From The Diary of a Snail, The Flounder, The Rat, My Century, Crabwalks - but it was The Tin Drum that readers remembered most and that made the most powerful impact.

    In 1987, Grass and his wife came to Calcutta for the staging of one of his plays, The Plebeians Rehearse The Uprising. He made fast friends there among the city's writers, notably Sunil Gangopadhyay. He caught up with some of them, including painter Shuvaprasanna, when he went back for a visit in 2005. The city made a striking impression on him. For a while, Grass said, he could not write at all - he set down drawings until the words came back. His account of his time in Calcutta and Bangladesh was called Show Your Tongue, in a reference to Ma Kali:

    "Kali Puja announced, I saw Calcutta descend on us. Three thousand slums, usually rapt in themselves, crouched low by walls or sewer water, now all ran out, rampant, beneath the new moon, the night and the goddess on their side. Saw, in the holes of uncountable mouths, the lacquered tongue of black Kali flutter red. Heard her smack her lips: I, numberless, from all the gutters and drowned cellars. I, set free, sickle-sharp I. I show my tongue, I cross banks, I abolish borders. I make an end."

    Grass's reputation was severely tarnished, mostly outside Germany, in the 2000s when the revelations about his Nazi past came to light; Grass said in an interview that he should have written his memoir sooner. The shame had silenced him but in 2007, he spoke eloquently enough in Sweden at the Nobel banquet: "I come from a land of book-burning." Writers, he said, were such a threat to churches, the politburo and the mass media because they saw truth in the plural, they were unable to leave the past in peace, they cast doubt on the victors of history by giving the losers a voice.

    These were all flaws Grass had himself, in ample measure. But he also had wisdom. In The Rat, he anticipated some of the most pressing arguments of our own decade with chilling prescience: "Towards the end of human history, the human race had developed a soothing, appeasing language, which spared people's feelings by never calling anything by its name, which sounded rational even when it represented nonsense as wisdom. Marvellous how their politicians succeeded in making words supple and bending them to their purpose. They said that the more terror, the greater is the security."

    Looking Back at Günter Grass's Life and Work

    By JOHN WILLIAMSAPRIL 13, 2015 2:20 PM

    Günter Grass, the Nobel Prize-winning German novelist, died on Monday at 87. Mr. Grass's career was long, but his literary reputation is still anchored most firmly by his first novel, "The Tin Drum." Mixed reviews in The Times haven't aged as well as the book.



    In 1963, in The New York Times Book Review, Frederic Morton called it"a formidable, if formidably uneven novel" that "brings off what no German has managed or even dared to attempt," which was to show the Nazis were not "imposing their exotic evil on the good little people" but "were the good little people themselves."

    In The Times, Orville Prescott called ita "remarkable book,""certain to be highly praised and discussed." But he wrote: "Whether it will attract American readers is doubtful." Praising Mr. Grass as "exuberantly inventive and imaginative," Mr. Prescott also blanched at some of the book's contents. "It is gross, grotesque, gruesome and horrible throughout," he wrote. "Even those who think themselves inured to the indecencies of modern fiction will find much of 'The Tin Drum' excessively nasty. It is blasphemous also, deliberately and offensively blasphemous." He concluded: "How much more effective 'The Tin Drum' would have been if written with a modicum of restraint, selectivity and taste!"

    Reviewing "Dog Years" two years later, Mr. Prescott called it a "labored, tiresome, pitilessly dull novel," and again made mention of "offensive indecencies." In the Book Review, Stephen Spender shared some of Mr. Prescott's qualms. "'Dog Years' is far too long," he wrote. "In places it is turgid. But it contains scenes more powerful than those by any other contemporary novelist."

    In the last years of Mr. Grass's life, much of the discussion about him concerned his revelation that he had served in the Waffen-SSas a teenager, which he wrote about in his 2007 memoir, "Peeling the Onion." John Irving, a longtime outspoken admirer of Mr. Grass and his work, wrote a lengthy essay about that book, and about his relationship with Mr. Grass, in the Book Review. "It was Günter Grass who demonstrated that it was possible to be a livingwriter who wrote with Dickens's full range of emotion and relentless outpouring of language. Grass wrote with fury, love, derision, slapstick, pathos — all with an unforgiving conscience," Mr. Irving wrote. When he turned to assessing the new memoir, Mr. Irving wrote: "No one I know who's actually read 'Peeling the Onion' wants Grass to give back his Nobel. The memoir is as good as the very best of Grass's novels."

    More reviews of Mr. Grass's work in The Times:

    "Dog Years" (Book Review)

    "Cat and Mouse" (Book Review)

    "Local Anaesthetic" (Book Review)

    "Local Anaesthetic" (Books of The Times)

    "The Rat" (Books of The Times)

    "The Rat" (Book Review)

    "Two States — One Nation?" (Book Review)

    "Two States — One Nation?" (Books of The Times)

    "The Call of the Toad" (Books of The Times)

    "My Century" (Book Review)

    "My Century" (Books of The Times)

    "Too Far Afield" (Book Review)

    "Crabwalk" (Book Review)

    "Crabwalk" (Books of The Times)

    "The Box" (Book Review)

    Other Articles:

    A Talk With Günter Grass

    A Tale of Two Germanys

    An excerpt from "Peeling the Onion"

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     Carbon Sequestration Is Not A Solution To The Climate Crisis
    Dear Friend,

    If you think the content of this news letter is critical for the dignified living and survival of humanity and other species on earth, please forward it to your friends and spread the word. It's time for humanity to come together as one family! You can subscribe to our news letter here You can also follow us on twitter, and on Facebook,

    In Solidarity
    Binu Mathew

    Carbon Sequestration Is Not A Solution To The Climate Crisis

    Carbon Sequestration has been mooted as one geoengineering approach to ameliorating climate change. To be effective, trapping the gas in geological deposits would be for the very long term, thousands of years. Now, a team in Brazil, writing in the International Journal of Global Warming has reviewed the risk assessments for this technology and suggests a lack of knowledge means we should be cautious of turning to this method rather than finding sustainable ways to reduce emissions at their source

    Calling For Divestment In Fossil Fuel, Harvard Protesters Blockade Massachusetts Hall
    By Mariel A. Klein & Theodore R. Delwiche

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    Joy Oh Joy ! Hillary Is Running
    By John Chuckman

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    The 2015 British General Election: Capitalism's One-Horse Race
    By Colin Todhunter

    No matter who wins on 7 May, the public is destined for more of the same. The real outcome of the election has already been decided by the interlocking directorate of think tanks, big business and its lobby groups and the higher echelons of the civil service. The election will be akin to rearranging the deckchairs on a sinking ship

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    By Ludwig Watzal

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    Military Missions Reach Record Levels After U.S. Inks Deal
    To Remain in Africa For Decades
    By Nick Turse

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    A Rain Coat For A Cuban woman
    By Farooque Chowdhury

    It's not logical to make a comparison between an island-country, Cuba, going through decades of economic blockade and a continent-sized country commanding unimaginable amount of natural and human resources, the US. It's not logical to compare a country trying to establish its own way of democracy with a country having its system of governance that serves a minority part of society. The first one is making the endeavor for a few decades while the other one is having the system for more than two centuries. Shall it be logical to assess the first one with an eye and viewpoint of the second one? Definitions will be different; meanings will differ; explanations will vary, and so, the conclusions shall err

    The Myth Of Violence
    By Harsh Mander

    This is an excerpt from Harsh Mander's new book "Looking Away: Inequality, Prejudice and Indifference in New India" published by Speaking Tiger

    Why Is Next Ambedkar Needed?: A Time For Reflection
    By Dr. Vivek Kumar Srivastava

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    অর্থরোগী ভয়ংকর

    ... মুহাম্মদ ইউসুফ

    আমার আছে কোটি টাকা

    আমার আরও কোটি চাই !!

    লোভ-বাতাসের ঘূর্ণিঝড়ে

    উড়ছে প্রবল বিবেক-ছাই !!

    চাইতে চাইতে যায় বেলা

    ভয়ংকর এই লোভ-খেলা !!

    লোভের ক্ষুধা সাপ অজগর

    অর্থরোগী কে সারায় ?

    অন্ধকারে দ্রুতলয়ে

    দোজখপথে পা বাড়ায় !!

    ঢাকা, বাংলাদেশ ।

    2015-04-12 14:02 GMT+06:00 Mohammad Basirul Haq Sinha [bangla-vision] <>:

    শেরপুর সংবাদদাতা
    ১২ এপ্রিল ২০১৫,রবিবার, ০৬:২৬
    বাংলাদেশ জামায়াতে ইসলামীর সহকারী সেক্রেটারি জেনারেল মুহাম্মদ কামারুজ্জামানের দাফনের পর আইনশৃঙ্খলাবাহিনী কড়াকড়ি শিথিল করলে তার কবরের পাশে মানুষের ঢল নামে। তারা কামারুজ্জামানের রুহের মাগফিরাত কামনা করে মোনাজাত করেন। এ সময় শোকাতুর এলাকাবাসীর আহাজারিতে সেখানে হৃদয় বিদারক দৃশ্যের অবতারণা হয়। এলাকাবাসীর মাতম দেখে আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনীর অনেক সদস্যের চোখও অশ্রুসিক্ত হয়ে ওঠে।
    এখানেই দাফন করা হয় কামারুজ্জামানকে
    এর আগে আজ রোববার সকাল ৫টা ২০ মিনিটে মুহাম্মদ কামারুজ্জামানের দাফন সম্পন্ন হয়েছে। তার প্রতিষ্ঠিত শেরপুর সদর উপজেলার কুমরী বাজিতখিলা এতিমখানার পাশের জমিতে তাকে দাফন করা হয়। এর আগে রোববার ভোর ৪টা ৫০ মিনিটে এতিমখানা মাঠে তার নামাজে জানাজা অনুষ্ঠিত হয়। এতে কামারুজ্জামানের ৪/৫জন আত্মীয়সহ শতাধিক মানুষ অংশ নেন। এ সময় আশেপাশে হাজার হাজার মানুষ উপস্থিত হলেও আইনশৃংঙ্খলা বাহিনী নিরাপত্তা বেষ্টনির কারণে তারা জানাজায় অংশ নিতে পারেননি। দাফনস্থলে গণমাধ্যম কর্মীসহ স্থানীয়দেরকে যেতে দেয়া হয়নি।
    আইনশৃঙ্খলাবাহিনীর করা নিরাপত্তাবেষ্টনি
    শনিবার দিবাগত রাত ১১টার দিকে জেলা সদর থেকে ১০ কিলোমিটার দূরে কুমরী বাজিতখিলা এলাকায় গিয়ে দেখা যায়, বিজিবি, র‌্যাব ও পুলিশসহ আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনীর বিপুল সংখ্যক সদস্য সেখানে মোতায়েন করা হয়েছে। তিনস্তর বিশিষ্ট নিরাপত্তা বেষ্টনীর মাধ্যমে পুরো এলাকা নিরাপত্তার চাদরে ঢেকে ফেলা হয়। রোববার ভোর ৪টা ১৬ মিনিটে আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনীর কড়া নিরাপত্তার মধ্য দিয়ে কামারুজ্জামানের লাশ কুমরী বাজিতখিলা গ্রামে এসে পৌঁছে। এ সময় তাঁর বড় ভাই মো. কফিল উদ্দিন প্রশাসনের নিকট থেকে লাশ গ্রহণ করেন। পরে কুমরী বাজিতখিলা এতিমখানা মাঠে অনুষ্ঠিত নামাজে জানাজায় ইমামতি করেন বাজিতখিলা দাখিল মাদ্রাসার ভারপ্রাপ্ত সুপার ও কামারুজ্জামানের ভাগ্নি জামাই মাওলানা আব্দুল হামিদ।
    রোববার ভোর ছয়টার দিকে আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনী কড়াকড়ি শিথিল করলে কামারুজ্জামানের কবরস্থানে হাজার হাজার নারী-পুরুষের ঢল নামে। তারা কামারুজ্জামানের রুহের মাগফিরাত কামনা করে মোনাজাত করেন। এ সময় শোকাতুর এলাকাবাসীর আহাজারিতে সেখানে হৃদয় বিদারক দৃশ্যের অবতারণা হয়। এলাকাবাসীর মাতম দেখে আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনীর অনেক সদস্যের চোখও অশ্রুসিক্ত হয়ে ওঠে।

    কান্নায় ভেঙে পড়েন গ্রাম পুলিশের এক সদস্য
    বাজিতখিলা ইউনিয়নের মধ্যকুমরী গ্রামের মজিবর রহমান (৪০) ও আব্দুল কুদ্দুস বলেন, তারা নামাজে জানাজায় অংশগ্রহণের জন্য অজু করে প্রস্তুতি নিয়েছিলেন। কিন্তু আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনী অনুমতি না দেয়ায় জানাযায় অংশ নিতে পারেননি।

    মুনাজাতে কান্নায় ভেঙে পড়েন দুই যুবক
    বাজিতখিলা গ্রামের কামরুল ইসলাম বলেন, কামারুজ্জামানের জানাজায় অংশ নিতে কয়েক হাজার মানুষ এতিমখানার আশপাশে সমবেত হয়েছিলেন কিন্তু আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনী তাদের জানাজাস্থলে আসতে দেয়নি।
    কুমরী বাজিতখিলা এতিমখানার পরিচালক নূরুল আমিন জানিয়েছেন, জানাজায় শতাধিক মানুষ অংশ নিয়েছেন।
    কামারুজ্জামানের বড় ভাই আলমাছ আলী (৬৮) কান্নাজড়িত কন্ঠে বলেন, 'আমার ভাই কামারুজ্জামান ছিলেন নিরপরাধ ও নির্দোষ। বিচারের নামে তাকে হত্যা করা হয়েছে। এজন্য যারা দায়ী আল্লাহর কাছে তাঁদের বিচার চাই।'
    কামারুজ্জামানের আরেক বড় ভাই মো. কফিল উদ্দিন বলেন, তার (কামারুজ্জামানের) শেষ ইচ্ছা অনুযায়ী মরদেহ কুমরী বাজিতখিলা এতিমখানার পাশে দাফন করা হয়।
    এদিকে রোববার ভোর থেকে এ রিপোর্ট (সকাল সাড়ে ৮টা) লিখা পর্যন্ত বাজিতখিলা ইউনিয়নের বিভিন্নস্থানে ৯টি গায়েবানা জানাজা অনুষ্ঠিত হয়। এসব জানাজায় বাংলাদেশ জামায়াতে ইসলামীর কেন্দ্রীয় কর্মপরিষদ সদস্য অধ্যক্ষ ইজ্জতউল্লাহ, ড. ছামিউল হক ফারুকী, শেরপুর জেলা আমির ডা. মোহাম্মদ শাহাদত হোসাইন, জেলা সেক্রেটারি মাওলানা মো: হাফিজুর রহমানসহ দলের বিভিন্ন পর্যায়ের নেতা-কর্মীরা অংশ নেন।
    দাফনস্থলে কর্তব্যরত গণমাধ্যম কর্মীদের প্রবেশাধিকার নিষিদ্ধ করার ব্যাপারে জানতে চাইলে শেরপুরের সহকারী পুলিশ সুপার (সার্কেল) মো. শাহজাহান মিয়া বলেন, উর্ধতন কর্তৃপক্ষের নির্দেশক্রমে নিরাপত্তাজনিত কারণে সাময়িকভাবে সেখানে গণমাধ্যমকর্মীদের প্রবেশের অনুমতি দেওয়া হয়নি।

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    For Resistance Against Repression
    सपा मुखिया के लोकसभा क्षेत्र में किसान की मौत ने उजागर किया मुलायम का
    किसान विरोधी चेहरा
    अंबेडकर जयंती पर संविधान बचाओ प्रदर्शनकारियों पर पुलिस फायरिंग, अखिलेश
    सरकार की संविधान विरोधी नीति

    लखनऊ 14 अपै्रल 2015। सपा मुखिया मुलायम सिंह यादव के लोकसभा क्षेत्र
    आजमगढ़ के गांव सरायसादी में हुई किसान की मौत को रिहाई मंच ने सपा सरकार
    की किसान विरोधी नीति का एक और उदाहरण बताते हुए कहा कि इससे अंदाजा
    लगाया जा सकता है कि सूबे में किसान और उसके प्रति सरकार का रवैया क्या
    है। मंच ने सोनभद्र में कन्हार बांध के नाम पर गैरकानूनी ढ़ंग से किए जा
    रहे अधिग्रहण के खिलाफ अंबेडकर जयंती पर 'संविधान बचाओ'प्रदर्शन पर
    पुलिस फायरिंग की कड़ी भत्र्सना करते हुए दोषी पुलिस व प्रशासनिक
    अधिकारियों के खिलाफ कार्रवाई की मांग की।

    रिहाई मंच के राज्य कार्यकारिणी सदस्य अनिल यादव ने कहा कि मुलायम सिंह
    यादव द्वारा गोद लिए गांव तमौली की सीमा से लगे सरायसादी गांव के किसान
    रामजन्म राजभर की फसलों की बर्बादी के बाद हुई सदमें से मौत यह बताती है
    कि मुलायम सिंह यादव किसानों के प्रति कितने असंवेदनशील हैं। उन्होेंने
    कहा कि मुलायम हों या मोदी इन सबने चुनावों के वक्त किसानों को विकास के
    बड़े-बड़े सब्जबाग दिखाए, पर आज जब प्रति दिन दर्जनों किसान आत्महत्या कर
    रहें है तो मोदी को विदेश दौरे से फुर्सत नहीं है तो वहीं मुलायम को उनके
    प्रतिनिधियों की वसूली के हिसाब से।

    रिहाई मंच नेता लक्ष्मण प्रसाद ने कहा कि एक तरफ सत्ताधारी राजनीतिक दल
    बाबा साहब भीमराव अंबेडकर से अपनी विरासत जोड़ रहे हैं वहीं दूसरी तरफ
    अंबेडकर जयंती पर सोनभद्र में 'संविधान बचाओ'प्रदर्शनकारी जिनके हाथों
    में बाबा साहब की तस्वीरें थी, पर पुलिस ने फायरिंग की। जिसमें एक
    आदिवासी नेता को गोली लगी व कई प्रदर्शनकारी जख्मी हुए। यह घटना सरकार के
    वंचित समाज विरोधी चेहरे को उजागर करती है।

    द्वारा जारी
    शाहनवाज आलम
    प्रवक्ता, रिहाई मंच
    Office - 110/46, Harinath Banerjee Street, Naya Gaaon Poorv, Laatoosh
    Road, Lucknow

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    Indian secularism :Divided colors of school uniforms: Saffron  for Hindu kids, green for Muslims

    Dani Limda Public School in Ahmedabad. (Source: IE photo by Javed Raja)

    municipal schools, Ahmedabad municipal schools, Ahmedabad schools, Ahmedabad government, schools, Shahpur Public School, Dani Limda Public School, schools Ahmedabad, Ahmedabad muslim schools, gujarat, Ahmedabad news, Ahmedabad

    India's Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation's Shahpur Public School and Dani Limda Public School are unique.While the uniform at Shahpur school where most of the students are Hindus is saffron-coloured, the Dani Limda school where almost all the students are Muslims has a green uniform.

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    Political Prisoner – Dr G N Saibaba , DU professor on hunger strike

    Posted by :kamayani On : April 14, 2015



    Dr, G N Saibaba, Delhi University Professor, who has been in incarceration since 9th May, 2014 has commenced an indefinite hunger strike from 11-04-2015 demanding proper medical treatment and food, both of which are being denied to him by the authorities of the Nagpur Central Prison.
    Dr. Saibaba, who is presently lodged in the notorious Anda Barrack of the Nagpur Prison has been denied bail twice by the Sessions Court,Gadchiroli and once by the Nagpur Bench of Bombay High Court. In the last order by the Sessions Court dated 4th March, 2015 the Sessions Judge referred to the reports of the Superintendent and the Chief Medical Officer of the Nagpur Central Prison which, while admitting the delicate medical condition of Saibaba, stated that he was being treated at the Government Medical College Hospital as well as the Super Speciality Hospital in Nagpur and that they were providing food supplements as per his medical requirements. It was on the basis of such reports that bail on medical grounds was denied to Saibaba.
    However, despite such claims by the prison authorities made before the court, the prison administration has not only continued to deny him proper medical treatment and food supplements, but also now even stopped certain items that were earlier allowed to him.
    Faced with a situation of a steady deterioration in his health condition, Saibaba has decided to protest and has completely stopped taking food from Saturday.
    His lawyers, who met him on Monday, 13th April, 2015, immediately submitted a memorandum to the DIG (Prisons) East Region, the prison authority under whose jurisdiction the Nagpur Prison falls. The official however merely received the memorandum and refused to respond to the issues raised by Saibaba. He did not even indicate any willingness to allow the essentials that the prison report to the court has stated that they were providing.

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    Not a happy #AmbedkarJayanti in Babasaheb's ancestral village

    Tuesday, 14 April 2015 – 5:05am IST Updated: Tuesday, 14 April 2015 – 1:28pm IST | Place: Mumbai | Agency: dna | From the print edition
    On his 123rd birth anniversary as community leaders, politicians, their parties and outfits try to outdo each other in evoking Dr BabsahebAmbedkar, 150 kms from Mumbai seven families of Ambedkar's descendants living in Ambe-Tembe, his ancestral village in Thane district (Murbad tehsil), wonder about the sheer pointlessness of it all.
    • (Right) The site for the proposed memorial to Dr Ambedkar's mother, Bhimabai. (L) Yamubai Gaikwad and her husband Ramchandra.

    On his 124th birth anniversary as community leaders, politicians, their parties and outfits try to outdo each other in evoking Dr Babsaheb Ambedkar, 150 kms from Mumbai seven families of Ambedkar's descendants living in Ambe-Tembe, his ancestral village in Thane district (Murbad tehsil), wonder about the sheer pointlessness of it all.

    Not only has the promised-in-1994 memorial to Ambedkar's mother Bhimabai (then Chief Secretary Ratnakar Gaikwadeven visited the place in 1997) been completely forgotten but the remote village sandwiched between Raigad, Pune and Thane districts suffers from an acute lack of basic amenities. "Its barely April and already we have to walk long stretches to get water," complains the septuagenarian Yamubai Ramchandra Gaikwad, a direct descendant of the Pandit clan from which Bhimabai hailed. Her panting leaves her glasses fogged over as she sits by the doorside to catch her breath. "Bhimabai's father joined the army to escape the casteist persecution by the upper castes. His grandson's worshipped all over for standing up for Dalit rights and yet see our condition."

    A new storage tank built in the middle of Ambe-Tembe last year by the Thane Zilla Parishad mocks its women fetching water in the blazing hot son. "When there is no power, often for several days at a stretch, how can water be pumped up to the tank?" asks Bhaurao Ratambe, a local activist who also points out the lack of a primary health centre, anganwadi and a school beyond Class IV.

    "Even women caught in labour have to be rushed to the rural hospital in Murbad town, 12 kms away," admits uppercaste sarpanch Uma Chaudhari who adds, "We've only one teacher for all four classes. Since the school has no toilet facilities no one wants to send girls there." She also complained of food supplies to the local anganwadi being erratic. "We last got supplies before monsoon," she said. When we try to ask more questions her husband (the sarpanch-pati) Eknath Chaudhari told dna, "Women don't know anything. I hope you don't write anything based on what she said."

    Though both parried questions on whether seven Dalit families face any discrimination, the contrast between their upper caste well-built homes lined with concrete paths leading to each doorway and the unplastered Dalit hovels accessible by kachcha mud paths is too stark to ignore. Moreover, the neglect of Ambe-Tembe is all the more striking when compared with neighbouring villages, given that they are better-developed and, no surprises for guessing, are all fully upper-caste villages.

    A trudge up a hillock outside the village where a 12 acre plot overlooking the Mhasa dam has been allocated for the memorial, showed how apart from clearing the plot (with as many as 23 old trees cut), little has been done. This when documents with dna show that a sum of Rs 50 lakhs was allocated in 2012 for building an access road so that trucks bearing construction material could reach there. Three years and Rs 22 lakh later the road is conspicuously invisible.

    Activist Dashrath Daji Khare, 69 and his wife Priya 62, have been battling for the past 21 years to get the work started on the promised memorial, and develop the area. "We thought they would be excited at the historical significance of this place," he says. "When repeated reminders fell on deaf ears, we started our own annual ceremony in his mother Bhimabai's honour."

    The Khares met state minister Rajkumar Badole and principal secretary Ujjwal Uke of the Social Justice and Special Assistance on the April 9th to renew their demand for expediting the memorial. Uke told dna, "We told them we'll get Mahad-based Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Research and Training Institute to research and validate the spot's historicity before going ahead with the memorial." When asked why this was needed again when the project was already sanctioned by then state Chief Secretary Ratnakar Gaikwad he offered, "This is due process and we have to follow it."

    On poor conditions of the village, Uke, who has himself been Thane collector a few decades ago, said, "More than the memorial, improving living conditions of Ambedkar's descendants and their village should be a priority. I'll write to the Thane ZP CEO to look into this urgently."


    Then Thane District Collector  A L Jarad on April 19th 2012 had given written orders for the work to begin. When nothing happened till October, the Khares were told that the file had gone missing. They pieced it together again by January 2013 after visiting all concerned departments. "We were hoping that will help but nothing has come of it," laments Priya Khare.


    Ramchandra Gaikwad, 82, Ambe-Tembe resident:

    "Our Dalit leadership's eagerness to agitate for the Indu Mills land is a sharp contrast to their silence over Ambe-Tembe. Ramdas Athawale contributed Rs 12 lakh from his MP fund. That's hardly sufficient but at least he's done something. Other Dalit leaders hardly show interest."

    Dalit ideologue, poet and litterateur Namdeo Dhasal's protégé Vaibhav Chhaya:

    The Congress was eager to pander to ostentatious multi-crore memorials for the Nehru-Gandhi clan.This government wants one for Sardar Patel but the apathy in preserving Dr Ambedkar's legacy is appalling. It smacks of an anti-Dalit agenda.

    Prakash Ambedkar, Grandson of Dr B R Ambedkar:

    Where are all those who repeatedly make loud, public claims as legatees of Ambedkar's legacy? Why are they waiting for the government to do something? Can't they do this much on their own?


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    Human Rights Activists – Enemies of the State ?



    The Kerala government's response to Maoist attacks is to systematically round up activists and sympathisers with scant evidence or probable cause. Can one not follow one's convictions, asks Nikhila Henry.

    The room was tense and the air intimidating," Jaison C Cooper, arrested for alleged links to a Maoist attack in Kochi, reminisced about his time in custody. Charged under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), Cooper, a human rights activist, was in police custody for eight days and in judicial custody for 36, until the Kerala High Courtgranted him conditional bail on March 17. Police officers, both in plain clothes and in uniform,questioned him relentlessly to establish his alleged link with the attack on National Highways Authority of Indiaoffice in Kochi that took place on January 29.

    It was during one of those interrogations that Cooper got wind of a police master plan to put several human rights activists like himbehind bars. An investigating officer patiently broke it down for him, he said. "The plan was to pick up en masse all those who ideologically supported ultra-left or even left politics till the Maoists stopped their attacks. Such a plan had earlier silenced the Ayyankali Pada, an urban guerrilla action squad that had staged attacks to protest several social injustices.It is a plan to suppress all voices of dissent. You can't move as you feel trapped."

    In the past year, some 20 activists have been arrested or taken into custody in Kerala for alleged Maoist links. Many others, including students, social workers and media personnel, were questioned and kept under surveillance,activists say. Houses were searched, public enquiries made and literature seized, setting the stage for one of the biggest hunts for Maoists in the country.

    Who gets arrested for what, and with what evidence, is almost always a mystery now in Kerala, and the deadly M-word looms large over most activists in the state. "All democratic movements are being suppressed by alleging ties to the Maoists," explained Reny Ayline, national secretary of the National Confederation of Human Rights Organisations (NCHRO). "In the name of a Maoist hunt, the state is terrorising people."

    Even as Cooper, a founding member of the Janakiya Manushyavakasha Prasthanam (JMP) or People's Rights Movement, awaits another arrest, Amnesty International and National Human Rights Commission have sought an explanation from the state police on the rampant arrests of human rights activists without probable cause. "A chargesheet was filed in my name for participating in the Menstruation Struggle (Aarthava Samaram), where people were protesting patriarchal stigma against menstruating women," he said over the phone from his Palluruthi residence."On the day of that protest, seven people were picked up. It seems like I could get arrested yet again." It was not very long ago that he had led several democratic protests in Kerala against land acquisitions, illegal evictions and environmental pollution.

    Adv Thushar Nirmal Sarathy, another human rights activist and the secretary of the JMPwho was also arrested a day after Cooper under the UAPA,said that the seven days he spent in police custody made the state's understanding of protest movements clear to him. "They used derogatory language against members of the JMP. They spoke of Kiss of Love, a movement where people kissed on the streets to protest moral policing, using bad language."

    Life is hard in Kerala, and it could get harder. Cooper, a clerk at theKerala State Insurance Corporation, is now under suspension as a departmental enquiry is underway. For the next few months, he expects just a meagre amount to reach his salary account. Sarathy is looking for a house, as his landlord was unwilling to rent to a "Maoist". The JMP, a registered organisation under the Travancore Societies Act, is now branded a frontal organisation of the CPI (Maoist); despite its record of being at the heart of numerous agitations—for the release of Dr Binayak Sen, against the proposed nuclear plant at Kudankulam, against the Nitta Gelatin Company's alleged pollution of the Chaliyar river, among others—other human rights forums seem to be less keen in collaborating with it.

    According to the response to a question under the Right to Information Act, the state government spent Rs 10.5 crore in 2013 on tackling Maoists. Activists allege that the amount for 2014-15 is at least Rs 26 crore. The state's police chief, DGP KS Balasubrahmanian, however, claimed that his department has not set aside any funds for "tackling Maoists", adding that the state police does not indulge in illegal surveillance or arrests. "We have not hunted human rights organisations or activists," he said."We have only arrested people on different cases and produced them before the court and court has acted on our report."


    Is a systemic violence playing itself out in the state, where anyone is a suspect on whom UAPA or sedition charges could be slapped? Two students, Shahid M Shameem and Uday Balakrishnan were picked up from Kannur in early February for suspected Maoist links. The reason for the police's suspicion? "They asked us why we were travelling and participating in human rights movements," said 22-year-old Shameem. "Questions were raised about why we carried author Arundhati Roy's book with us and who the girl they spotted with us was. We were under the police scanner ever since we conducted a solidarity meet for the Standup Struggle (Nilppu Samaram) that the Adivasi Gothra Mahasabha had organised."Last August, Salmaan Mohammed, a 25-year-old student of Kerala University, Trivandrum, was arrested under sedition charges for one of his posts on social media. "The conditional bail I got prevents me from participating in protests led by social groups," he said."For five months, I have been giving my attendance at Thambanur police station twice every week and even now the police has not filed a chargesheet."The police repeatedly asked him whether he had any links with militant Islamist groups. "My Muslim identity was what they focussed on."

    Cooper's stint in the Ernakulam districtjailin Kakkanadu brought to him several sordid tales of unproven charges and lasting judicial custody. "There was a man who was arrested for his alleged link to a case where Popular Front of India (PFI) workers had chopped off a college lecturer's hand for blasphemy. The only evidence against this prisoner was that he had used the banner of PFI's sister organisation, the Social Democratic Party of India, to mend a leaking roof."

    The case against Cooper had a similar irony; one of the pieces of evidence the police submitted to establish his Maoist links is an article he possessed that is critical of Maoism. Besides, ideological affiliation with any political group is not unlawful in the country. A Gujarat High Court ruling in 2010 said that the "possession of material without there being any overt act or actual execution of such ideas by itself would not form or constitute any offence." The Bombay High Court also ruled in 2012 that possession of material "having a social or political" philosophy does not warrant criminalisation. But in Kerala, it didn't take much conviction for police to search the office of the magazine Keraleeyam before taking into custody three of its journalists for questioning in December last year. "What we do, we do with proper legal support. Not even an inch of illegal police action takes place in Kerala. It is simply not done in this state," said the Director General of Police.

    But despite their crimes not yet being proven, activists in Kerala remain caught in a web of suspicion. As early as January 2014, Sarathy filed a petition alleging police-sponsored phone tapping. Soon after, a lookout notice that had the names of 40 people, out of which 38 were human rights activists, was pasted in Mananthavadi police station in Kozhikode. "The police is open about the fact that the phones of 130 people are tapped, out of which 30 are media professionals and others activists. The state has become draconian," said the NCHRO's Ayline, against whom an informal police enquiry was made under suspected Maoist links.

    The state that insists on curbing unlawful activities does little to stick to legal procedures during arrests. "The police came to my office and took me into custody without producing an official letter that is a requirement while arresting government servants," Cooper remembered. For him, what others call police violence has become a way of life. In November, when he was questioned for three days in relation to a Maoist attack on Nitta Gelatinin Kochi, he was manhandled. "The first round of questioning lasted for 24 hours with no breaks," he said. "They grabbed me by my throat and pulled my hair during the grilling. Despite that they were not able to establish that I was part of the attack." The second arrest was not violent, physically.

    Can one not follow one's convictions? Kerala's activists are at a loss. But even after his release, Cooper stood by his ideology. "My worldview is Maoism. I am entitled to have an ideology of my choice." What worried Cooper the most when he was in prison was police action against his friends under the guise of Maoist hunt. "Most of my contacts were viewed with suspicion," he said, "and among them was a young man, an activist who is barely eking out a living even as his family was dependent on him. I was scared whether they would hound him down. If that happened, their lives would have come to a standstill."Police was quick to reach the village of the young man soon after Cooper spoke of him. Life has already come to a halt for many. No more should be added to the list of those trapped in the legal tangle for no apparent fault of theirs, Cooper insisted.

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    Lying about BR Ambedkar: RSS revisionism on his 125th birth anniversary

    by G Pramod Kumar  Apr 14, 2015

    What's happening to the legacy of Dr B R Ambedkar at the hands of the RSS/BJP and the Congress on the occasion of his 125th birth anniversary is perhaps the biggest travesty of social and political history of India.

    The man, an intellectual giant and peerless social reformer, who fiercely fought Hinduism till his death and was highly critical of Gandhi and the Congress, is today being misappropriated by both the Sangh Parivar and the Congress. And both are making elaborate plans to celebrate his anniversary.

    The RSS will come out with commemorative collector's editions of its mouthpieces Panchjanya and The Organiser, while the BJP will roll out year long celebrations with a particular focus on social welfare. The Congress, under a special committee chaired by Sonia Gandhi, also will ride on the glory of Ambedkar throughout the year. Prince Rahul will join the misappropriation plan.


    The most outlandish and fallacious claims have been made by the RSS. It has said that Ambedkar's work was similar to that of its icons such as Veer Savarkar and Madan Mohan Malaviya and that he even supported its polarising idea of "Ghar Wapsi". The laughable irony of this claim is that Ambedkar's politics was anchored in his uncompromising opposition to Hinduism, particularly the practice of caste or "varnashram". He was so vocal in his antagonism to Hindu religion that he converted to Buddhism a few months before his death. While becoming a Buddhist, he had said that he felt free by renouncing Hindu religion and was no more an untouchable.

    But an opportunist RSS sees Ambedkar's lifelong fight against Hinduism as an attempt to reform the religion. In its stilted eyes, Ambedkar is a Hindu reformist. It doesn't see his sufferings or the subjugation of Dalits at the hands of caste Hindus, but find great affection for Hinduism in his conversion to Buddhism because he turned down the overtures of Muslims and Christians. For the RSS, a person who didn't want to convert to Islam or Christianity is a loyalist of the Hindus even though he was trying escape the cruelty of theHindu caste-system.

    The RSS has one more reason to misrepresent Ambedkar – that he was highly critical of the Muslims and did not support Pakistan. Ambedkar indeed went to great lengths to assert that "Muslim Society is even more full of social evils than Hindu Society is" and how it sanctioned and perpetuated slavery and subjugation of women. He was highly critical that there was no organised social reform movement in Islam. He also said that a "Muslim woman is the most helpless person in the world" because "Islam has set its seal of inferiority upon her, and given the sanction of religion to social customs which have deprived her of the full opportunity for self-expression and development of personality."

    These words do qualify him to be a severe critic of Islam and do make him a darling of the RSS, but what's conveniently obscured is that in the same breath he had said that "in a 'communal malaise,' both groups (Hindus and Muslims) ignore the urgent claims of social justice."

    Social justice and social equality for all had been the centrepiece of Ambedkar's politics and reforms agenda, and he believed that they had to precede any form of political freedom. He famously had said that "a democratic form of government presupposes a democratic form of society. The formal framework of democracy is of no value, and would indeed be a misfit if there was no social democracy." He didn't value India's freedom that was not consistent with its social freedom.

    This is the point that Gandhi and the Congress refused to acknowledge. The Congress and its freedom fighters thought Ambedkar was a lackey of the British when he put social democracy before political democracy and engaged with them in pursuance of his agenda. He was certain that the untouchables, or the "depressed classes" as he called them, will never get justice if the British left without giving them their due. Political freedom, as Gandhi and the nationalists saw, had little significance to him. As he had said, "the politicals never realised that democracy was not a form of government. It was essentially a form of Society." He also had said that the "animosity of the Congress Press towards me can to my mind, not unfairly, be explained as a reflex of the hatred of the Hindus for the Untouchables."

    Clearly, for him, the Congress and the Hindu-forces represented the same side of the coin.Ambedkar didn't see the subjugation of the untouchables by caste-Hindus and the lack of political freedom as two separate situations. For him, if the nation wanted to be free, it had to be free from both. "It may not be necessary for a Democratic society to be marked by unity, by community of purpose, by loyalty to public ends, and by mutuality of sympathy. But it does unmistakably involve two things. The first is an attitude of mind, an attitude of respect and equality towards their fellows. The second is a social organisation free from rigid social barriers. Democracy is incompatible and inconsistent with isolation and exclusiveness, resulting in the distinction between the privileged and the unprivileged."

    His clash with Gandhi in fact combined both – the tyranny of the Hindu caste system and the wilful neglect of social democracy. Nothing can be more direct to show that the ideologies of Gandhi and Ambedkar were at loggerheads when it came to the former's belief in the caste system: "I am a Hindu, not merely because I am born in the Hindu fold, but I am one by conviction and choice. There is no superiority or inferiority in Hinduism of my conception. But when Dr. Ambedkar wants to fight Varnashram itself, I cannot be in his camp, because I believe Varnashram to be an integral part of Hinduism." In other words, Gandhi believed in the caste-system that Ambedkar fought against throughout his life.

    Today, the Congress and the RSS/BJP indulge in historical revisionism for political aggrandisement. A mendacious BJP wants to usurp and misrepresent Ambedkar's legacy by making invidious comparisons to attract Dalit votes and to take on the BSP in UP, while a status quoist Congress wants to continue misleading its tradition Dalit vote-base.

    Unfortunately, it's not just the Congress and the BJP alone that do injustice to Ambedkar's legacy, but also Dalit parties such as the BSP. They had long since compromised with Hindutva forces, caste-Hindu organisations and Muslim fanatics, and what's happening now is another political farce in a farcical democracy. An what we lose in the process is a great opportunity to revive his social reformist politics and discover the immensity of his scholarship.

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    Why is WHO silent on pesticides , fats, sugar and salt content

    Though the global health organisation talks about chemical residues in food, it has not put special emphasis on pesticides. It is also silent on fats, sugar and salt content in food

    The theme of this year's World Health Day is about food safety (Photo: FAO/G. Napolitano)The theme of this year's World Health Day is about food safety (Photo: FAO/G. Napolitano)

    The theme of this year's World Health Day (April 7) is all about food safety and the slogan is "From farm to plate, make food safe".

    In its recent press release, the World Health Organization (WHO) has defined unsafe food as something that is contaminated with harmful microorganisms and chemicals like marine biotoxins from shellfish.

    According to WHO director general Margaret Chan, there is a possibility that food becomes contaminated during industrial production.

    While the global organisation talks about chemical residues in food, it has not put any special emphasis on pesticides which are more widely present in the environment than marine biotoxins. The WHO release is also silent on fats, sugar and salt content in food. These three are present abundantly in industrially-produced junk food like burgers, pizzas and potato chips.

    Both the pesticide industry and the food industry are known for their arm-twisting tactics. WHO recently entered into a skirmish with the pesticide industry. The International Agency for Research on Cancer, a part of WHO, said glyphosate, the active ingredient of a common herbicide used by farmers as a weed killer, is "probably carcinogenic to humans". The agency also found "limited evidence" that glyphosate could lead to Non-Hodgkin's lymphoma. The herbicide is being produced and marketed by biotech giant Monsanto that also endorses genetically modified organisms (GMOs). According to news reports, Monsanto did not agree with the findings and asked WHO to hold an urgent meeting to explain the findings.

    Giving fats, sugar and salt a complete miss too is surprising. For years, the international organisation has talked about disease transition—how non-communicable diseases (NCD) have surpassed communicable disease across the globe and linked it to overconsumption of fats, sugar and salt.

    On March 5, WHO recommended that only 10 per cent of the total calories consumed every day should come from sugar to avoid NCDs. The guideline was a part of WHO's efforts to prevent such diseases through diet modification. Reduction of free sugar intake was first recommended by the WHO Study Group in 1989. It took the organisation another 25 years to open a public consultation on the guideline.

    It seems that WHO would rather be politically correct and not disagree with the industry than ensure the health of people.

    The global body has put the onus of providing safe food conveniently on the lower rungs of the food delivery chain. WHO has asked consumers to read labels carefully and cook food well before eating, but it is not clear how this will remove the glyphosate or sugar from our food.

    By focusing on microbiological and natural triggers of diseases, WHO would also undercalculate the risk that unsafe food could have onhuman health. The global body is in the process of estimating the global burden of food-borne diseases which they will publish in October. It is imperative that they take a broader look at the risks. The onus of providing safe food should be put squarely on the shoulders of industrial giants.

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    Appropriation of Dr. Ambedkar by Hindutva
    Shamsul Islam

    The leading Hindutva outfit, RSS is trying to co-opt Father of the Nation Gandhi (despite the fact that criminals led by the ideology of Hindutva killed him), Sardar Patel (who as first home minister of India banned it in 1948) and now RSS is attempting to co-opt Dr. Ambedkar, the Dalit philosopher and icon. This is being attempted despite of the fact that Dr. Ambedkar renounced Hinduism for its inequality. While discussing the Hindutva politics he wrote: "If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country...It is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost." [Dr. Ambedkar in PAKISTAN OR PARTITION OF INDIA, 1946 edition, page 358] 
    The attached articles which appeared in Hindustan Times, Indian Currents and Hindi daily Hindustan in 2003 are relevant even today.

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    एनसीआरटी की स्थापना से आज तक अजा/अजजा के कर्मचारियों के साथ भेदभाव जारी कार्यवाही हेतु हक रक्षक दल के प्रमुख ने प्रधानमंत्री और मानव संसाधन मंत्री को लिखा पत्र 
    जयपुर। राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक अनुसंधान और प्रशिक्षण परिषद (NCERT) में अजा/अजजा के कर्मचारियों के मौलिक अधिकारों का हनन, अत्याचार, भेदभाव और मनमानी के विरुद्ध दण्डात्मक कार्यवाही करने के सम्बन्ध में हक रक्षक दल (HRD) सामाजिक संगठन के राष्ट्रीय प्रमुख डॉ. पुरुषोत्तम मीणा ने प्रधानमंत्री, भारत सरकार, नयी दिल्ली और मानव संसाधन मंत्री भारत सरकार, नयी दिल्ली को पत्र लिखकर मांग की है कि अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के कर्मचारियों को जानबूझकर क्षति पहुंचाने वाले गैर अजा/अजजा प्रशासकों के खिलाफ कठोर dandaatmk कार्यवाही की जावे और अभियान चलाकर अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के कर्मचारियों को पदोन्नतियां प्रदान की जावें। 

    पत्र में डॉ. पुरुषोत्तम मीणा ने लिखा है कि हक रक्षक दल (HRD) सामाजिक संगठन के राष्ट्रीय प्रमुख डॉ. पुरुषोत्तम मीणा ने प्रधानमंत्री, भारत सरकार, नयी दिल्ली और संसाधन मंत्री को लिखा है कि प्राप्त जानकारी के अनुसार-भारत सरकार के मानव संसाधन विभाग के अधीन संचालित राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक अनुसंधान और प्रशिक्षण परिषद में इसकी स्थापना से आज तक अजा एवं अजजा के कर्मचारियों को संविधान में निर्धारित प्रावधानों और सरकारी नीति तथा प्रक्रियानुसार पदोन्नति में आरक्षण प्रदान करने के लिये विधिवत रोस्टर बनाकर लागू नहीं किया गया है। रोस्टर में जानबूझकर विसंगतियॉं छोड़ने वाले कर्मचारियों को अनारक्षित वर्ग के उच्चाधिकारियों का दुराशयपूर्ण संरक्षण प्राप्त है। अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के कर्मचारियों के उच्च श्रेणी में पद रिक्ति होने के वर्षों बाद तक डीपीसी का गठन नहीं किया जाता है। यही नहीं अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के कर्मचारियों की पदोन्नति की पात्रता में किसी भी प्रकार की छूट का नियम लागू नहीं किया गया है। जबकि भारत सरकार की सभी मंत्रालयों में इस प्रकार की छूट के स्पष्ट प्रावधान लागू हैं।

    डॉ. पुरुषोत्तम मीणा ने आगे लिखा है कि इस प्रकार उपरोक्त कारणों से राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक अनुसंधान और प्रशिक्षण परिषद की स्थापना से आज तक अनारक्षित वर्ग के उच्च पदस्थ प्रशासकों द्वारा निम्न से उच्च पदों पर अजा एवं अजजा के कर्मचारियों की पदोन्नति दुराशयपर्वक बाधित की जाती रही हैं और इस कारण राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक अनुसंधान और प्रशिक्षण परिषद की स्थापना से आज तक उच्चतम पदों पर अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों का संविधान के अनुच्छेद 16 (4) के अनुसार पर्याप्त और निर्धारित प्रतिनिधित्व सम्भव नहीं हो पाया है। जिसके चलते अजा एवं अजजा के निम्न स्तर के कर्मचारियों का संरक्षण और उनका उत्थान असंसभव हो चुका है। परिषद के उच्च पदस्थ गैर-अजा एवं अजजा वर्ग के प्रशासकों का यह कृत्य अजा एवं अजजा अत्याचार निवारण अधिनियम, 1989 की धारा 3 (1) (9) के तहत दण्डनीय अपराध की श्रेणी में आता है।

    डॉ. पुरुषोत्तम मीणा ने उपरोक्त तथ्यों से अवगत करवाकर प्रधानमंत्री और मानव संसाधन मंत्री से आग्रह है कि-
    1. अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के कर्मचारियों को पदोन्नति की क्षति पहुँचाने वाले गैर-अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के उपरोक्तानुसार लिप्त रहे सभी प्रशासकों के विरुद्ध अजा एवं अजजा अत्याचार निवारण अधिनियम, 1989 की धारा 3 (1) (9) के तहत आपराधिक मुकदम दर्ज करवाकर उन्हें कारवास की सजा दिलवाई जावे और साथ ही साथ ऐसे प्रशासकों के विरुद्ध विभागीय सख्त अनुशासनिक कार्यवाही भी की जावे। जिससे भविष्य में अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के हितों को नुकसान पहुँचाने की कोई गैर-अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों का प्रशासक हिम्मत नहीं जुटा सके।
    2. राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक अनुसंधान और प्रशिक्षण परिषद की स्थापना से आज तक अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों को हुए नुकसान की भरपाई करने के लिये किसी बाहरी स्वतन्त्र और निष्पक्ष ऐजेंसी से सभी पदों का सही रोस्टर बनवाया जावे और भारत सरकार की नीति के अनुसार पदोन्नति पात्रता में शिथिलता प्रदान करते हुए अजा एवं अजजा वर्गों के समस्त रिक्त पदों को अभियान चलाकर तुरन्त प्रभाव से भरवाये जाने के आदेश प्रदान किये जावें।

    पत्र के अंत में डॉ. पुरुषोत्तम मीणा ने लिखा है की पत्र पर की जाने वाली कार्यवाही सेहक रक्षक दल (HRD) सामाजिक संगठन को अवगत करवाने का कष्ट करें।
    (डॉ. पुरुषोत्तम मीणा)
    राष्ट्रीय प्रमुख

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